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Account of the Massachusetts Historical Society, ; . . . 5 

" A Word to Boston," by Gov. Bradford, .... 27 

Forefather's Song, 29 

Model of Christian Charity, by Gov. Winthrop, . . .31 

Post Office Department, ........ 48 

D'Aulney and La Tour, • .90 

Lord Protector's Order, 122 

Whalley and GorTe, 123 

Instructions to Randolph, . . . . . . 129 

Commission to Sir Edmund Andros, ..... 139 

Papers Relative to his Administration, 150 

Higginson Letters, 196 

Colonel Quarry's Memorial, 222 

Rev. Mr. Bacon's Letter respecting Isaac Allerton, . . . 243 

Memoranda of Beverly, 250 

Memoir of Rev. John Hale, 255 

Memoir of Rev. Dr. Holmes, 270 

Dr. Mease's Description of old American Coins, . . . 282 
Bill of Mortality for the City of Boston, 1837, . . . .284 

List of Portraits in the Hall of the Historical Society, . . 285 

Acknowledgment of Donations, ...... 292 

Letter from Alden Bradford, Esq., pointing out Errata, . . 296 

Letter from Judge Davis respecting Allerton, .... 301 



ELECTED APRIL 26, 1838. 




















The Collections of the Massachusetts Historical Society have been classed 
in series, each comprising ten volumes; and the present volume is the seventh 
of the third series. 

The volumes are sold at the very moderate price of one dollar, neatly done 
up in boards. The whole set, or any single volume, may be had on applica- 
tion at the Library, over the Savings Bank, Tremont Street, or of C. C. Little 
&o Co., Booksellers, No. 1 12 Washington Street, Boston. 



[Prepared by William Jenks, D. D., a member of the Society.] 

The common remark, that no nation can trace so rea- 
dily and accurately its origin, as ours, has been grounded, 
no doubt, on the consideration of the progress of European 
society at the time our country was discovered. The 
three centuries and a half, which have now nearly elapsed 
since that period, have formed, comparatively, times of 
light, and mutual influence, in the history of mankind. By 
printing, extended navigation, and commercial treaties, 
the nations have apparently approximated each other ; 
and it would seem, that, even of necessity, the history of 
each must be recorded and known. 

But, in fact, the preservation of the particulars involved 
in the progress of any people, is a distinct and definite 
labor for some individual, or association, appropriately 
devoted to the subject. Official documents must, indeed, 
in civilized nations, exist ; but these are necessarily 
meagre and restricted, or formal and uninteresting : and 
the historian is compelled to gather his materials from a 
wide surface, and to welcome the intelligence derived 

*The Rev. Dr. Cogswell, one of the editors of the American Quarterly Register, 
having applied for a memoir of the Massachusetts Historical Society, for insertion 
among the interesting statistics of that highly respectaVe periodical publication, the 
Rev. Dr. Jenks was appointed to prepare one; and, by a subsequent vote, the 
Publishing Committee were directed to include it in the forthcoming volume of the 
Collections. — Pub. Com. 


6 Massachusetts Historical Society. 

from the more private memoir, as well as the public 

If such observations apply even to the old establish- 
ments of Europe and Asia, in which the series of public 
documents and private memoirs, has, in so many instances, 
been kept almost unbroken ; it may easily appear, that 
the difficulties attendingthe often perilous work of coloniza- 
tion, succeeded by the alteration of character and pursuits 
in the descendants of original colonists, must enhance the 
labor of collecting materials for historical use. 

Thus, for instance, in the settlement of New England, 
we should imagine that, engaged in as it was when science 
and literature had produced their wonders at Oxford, 
Cambridge, and other seats of learning in the mother 
country, no material fact would pass without observation, 
nor fail to be transmitted to our times. And it is, indeed, 
a subject for gratulation, that several of the actors in the 
busy scenes of that day were qualified by education and 
experience for the task. Thus was the illustrious Win- 
throp, first governor of Massachusetts, and so were 
several of his associates. But, not being at once intrusted 
to the press, for no press had been erected, their memo- 
rials, in their single preciousness, were exposed to the 
ravages of fire, the negligence and indifference of subse- 
quent possessors of them,* and the innumerable " changes 
and chances " of an emigrant's fortunes. 

The Rev. Dr. Cotton Mather prepared several memo- 
rials, especially of an ecclesiastical character, at a period 
tolerably early, while yet many of the first race of immi- 
grants were alive. But his desultory manner of writing, 
much like a modern review, did not allow him to establish 
his narratives by a severe attention to dates and historical 
facts, nor to give attention to statistical details. Valuable 
as are many of the materials he has left us, we are grieved 

* The fate, for instance, of the learned President Chauncy's mss. as related in 
Men's Biographical Dictionary is in point. A member of the Historical Society, 
not many years ago, had been promised, on his application for that purpose, the in- 
dulgence of examining a barrel or two of ancient papers, in a neighboring town, 
belonging to a family descended of the early settlers. " They are now," said the 
lady, " in the garret — an unfit place for you to enter ; " and the inspection was de- 
ferred. On calling again, he had the mortification to learn, that, as the occupants 
had been repairing the house, these papers, being found in the way, had the day 
before been committed to the flames ! 

Massachusetts Historical Society . 7 

to think how much he might have done for our history, 
and has yet neglected. 

Similar remarks might apply to Goorin,* and Hub- 
bard,! aR d to Morton, J to Eliot, ^ and Williams, || 
whose works have been, either by members of this Society, 
or by the Society itself, reproduced to the public ; and it 
was not until the time of Hutchinson, H that a history at 
all worthy of the subject appeared before the world. 

Previously, however, to the accomplishment of any por- 
tion of this labor, the Rev. Mr. Prince,** had, with inde- 
fatigable zeal, and at no inconsiderable expense, collected 
a mass of documents in reference to the country, both in 
printed works and mss. Early in life he had conceived 
the idea which he labored to embody in his " New Eng- 
land Library." Of this valuable collection, which suffered 

* Gookirts " Historical Collections of the Indians in New England," rich as they 
are in details, yet leave much to inquire for. Happily, another work of his has, at 
length, after lying long in England, been published in the Transactions of a sister 
society here. 

t See Savage's Winthrop, I. 296, 7, 

X The remarks, however, may not be thought applicable to the edition of Morton 
with which we are now favored from a discriminating, industrious, and learned editor, 
who has so greatly enriched it with his notes. Judge Davis's edition of the "Me- 
morial " was published in 8vo. 1826. 

§ Few particulars, comparatively, of a historical kind, are gleaned from the pro- 
ductions of this eminently pious, devoted and successful missionary and pastor. 
Like the primitive Christians, his effort was rather "to live, than to record, great 

]| The remark just made in reference to " the apostle Eliot" may apply to Roger 
Williams, several of whose letters, autograph mss. were contained in a volume of 
the Trumbull collection belonging to the Historical Society, which perished in the 
conflagration of November 10, 1825. He has found, however, able biographers in 
the late Rev. Dr. Bentley and Rev. Prof. Knowles. 

IT In the highly valuable notes with which Mr. Savage has accompanied his edi- 
tion of Gov. Winthrop's History, will be found an appreciation of Hutchinson's 
merits as an accurate, laborious, and well-informed historian. Two volumes of his 
History of Massachusetts, with an Appendix of important documents, had been 
printed before his departure for England. Within a few years, the concluding vol- 
ume has been published there. It seems desirable, that an American edition of the 
whole, with additional notes, should appear. It is believed, that a proposition of this 
nature was not long since made to our eminent jurist, Judge Story, whose engage- 
ments have not allowed him to give the project attention. Could it engage, as suc- 
cessfully as did the History of Winthrop, the learned labor of the diligent antiquary 
who so happily edited that work, the writer doubts not that the public and himself 
would have no cause for regret. Much and steady light, in addition even to Minot 
and Bradford's Histories, will, we may anticipate, be thrown on the stirring period 
of Hutchinson's life, when we shall possess the long expected, entire collection of 
the works of the elder President Adams, preparing, as is understood, by his distin- 
guished son. 

** Mr. Prince's historical work, the New England Chronology, with the additional 
numbers designed for a second volume, has been faithfully edited by a member of the 
Historical Society, the Hon. N. Hale, 8vo. 1826. But for most of what may be im- 
portant in relation to Mr. Prince, the writer must gratify himself by referring to the 
excellent "History of the Old South Church," by his late beloved Christian brother, 
the lamented Dr. Wisner, 

8 Massachusetts Historical Society. 

the predatory and destructive violation of a barbarous 
soldiery during the revolutionary war, a portion only re- 
mains, divided between the study of Mr. Prince's succes- 
sor, and the library of this Society. To the latter destina- 
tion have been consigned, by loan, or deposit, such 
portions of these treasures as were deemed essential in a 
historical view, or valuable as books of reference. # 

The destruction, by fire, of the ancient, original library 
of Harvard college, in 1764, and the dispersion, or de- 
duction, by a mob, of the valuable collection of books and 
mss. in the hands of governor Hutchinson, f some of which 
belonged to the State, but were loaned for the completion 
of his History, must have irrecoverably deprived the 
country of many precious records. It is not, therefore, to 
be wondered at, that literary men, who reflected on all 
these and many other losses, sustained in various ways, 
should desire a place of deposit for whatever scattered 
remains might be yet accumulated, and an association to 
preserve and use them. 

It is difficult, if not impracticable, to discover, at the 
present period, the actual germ of the Society, in the first 
thought, intention, or effort of any individual mind. Mr. 
Wallcut, the only survivor of the first ten who associated, 
does not sustain the claim made for him by the late Dr. 
Snow, J and by Dr. Allen. The writer will, therefore, 
avail himself of the reminiscences and minutes of his 
valued friend, the Rev. Dr. Harris, better able, perhaps 
than any one now living, to ascend to the fountain head 
of the institution, having taken a very early and deep 
interest in its success. 

The Rev. Dr. Belknap has been uniformly regarded as 
a principal founder of this Society. His valuable History 
of New Hampshire had been written under great disad- 
vantages, and published with inadequate patronage. The 
labor of twenty-two years, as he states, was devoted to it ; 
and in his last volume, published in 1793, nine years after 

* The deposit of these selected volumes and mss. was made in 1814, under a 
specific and recorded agreement. The selection was confided to the late Rev. Dr. 
Holmes and Alden Bradford, LL. D. In effecting the object, Dr. Harris also 
had, from the first, been deeply interested and active. 

t See Holmes's Annals, and Eliot's Biographical Dictionary. 

t History of Boston, p. 356. Pres. Allen's Biographical Dictionary, art. 

Massachusetts Historical Society. 9 

the first, it is said, that the sale of the preceding volumes 
had not defrayed the expense of publication. He had 
been at great cost, of time and labor at least, in amassing 
the materials for his work. Several of these were now 
his own — others were, of course, in public offices. 

Dr. Belknap, by the interest of friends who knew his 
worth, had been transferred from his parish in New 
Hampshire, and had become a pastor in Boston ; and he, 
having " engaged in preparing his American Biography, 
and Hon. George R. Minot," the elegant historian of 
the Insurrection in Massachusetts, " who was occupied in 
writing a continuation of Hutchinson's History, had fre- 
quent occasion in 1789," observes Dr. Harris, " of con- 
ferring together with reference to materials to be consult- 
ed. They knew that the Rev. Dr. Eliot* possessed the 
ms. of Hubbard's History ; that Rev. Dr. Thacher had 
the diary of his ancestor, a very early settler ; and con- 
cluded that Hon. James Winthrop, of Cambridge, retain- 
ed papers of his ancestor, the governor, and of other 
branches of that celebrated family. To have a place of 
common deposit of such documents, for ready access and 
consultation, they proposed to these gentlemen to unite 
with them, in contributing and collecting aids to their own 
labors and those of others." In 1790, therefore, a meeting 
was holden, the day however is not given, to agree on 
the object. Five gentlemen were present, and the Society, 
it appears, was then virtually formed. But on separating, 
at the adjournment, each agreed to bring a friend to the 
next meeting. Accordingly, on the 24th of January of 
the next year, ten persons met, and embodied themselves 
with due formality. The Hon. Judge Tudor, Rev. Drs. 
Belknap, Thacher and Eliot, and Judge Winthrop, 
attended the first informal meeting : and at the embodying 
were present, beside them, Rev. Dr. Freeman, Judge 
Minot, Hon. W. Baylies, of Dighton, Judge Sullivan, 
and Mr. Wall cut. Yet, in the printed paper inserted in 

* The writer ought never to name this amiable and accomplished scholar, and 
modest, benevolent man, his early patron and friend, without grateful emotions. 
Dr. Eliot says of himself, that " his taste always led him to collect curious mss. 
and ancient books ;" and that " he was favored with m?ny letters of the Hutchin- 
son and Oliver families." His venerated father had been an attentive collector of 
similar documents, and enjoyed the correspondence of Hollis, with occasional 
accessions to his library from a source so munificent. 

10 Massachusetts Historical Society. 

their volumes, the " establishment" of the Society is dated 

Judge Sullivan, afterward governor of the Common- 
wealth, was chosen President, Mr. Wallcut,* Recording 
Secretary, Dr. Belknap, Corresponding Secretary, Judge 
Tudor, Treasurer, and Dr. Eliot, Librarian. 

The objects of the association were, not only to collect 
and to preserve, but also to communicate such materials 
as might be procured for a complete history of this country, 
with its topography, natural productions, and aborigines, 
as also a view of all valuable efforts of ingenuity and in- 
dustry made by its inhabitants, with biographical and 
statistical delineations, and accounts of institutions of a 
benevolent or literary kind, or in any manner connected 
with the welfare of the country, and illustrating the pro- 
gress of its civilization and prosperity, in arts or science, 
and in agriculture, commerce, or manufactures.! 

In pursuance of their plan, the associates began their 
collection, consisting at first of mutual contributions of 
books, mss. and such articles of curiosity, connected with 
their object, as were offered by their friends. We regard 
with astonishment the immense collections of books in 
Europe — and are mortified on comparing with them the 

* This gentleman early occupied himself in collecting books and mss., and, by 
copying, which was with him a favorite idea, to multiply the chances that a rare 
or unique document should descend to posterity. The far greater part of this 
collection is now, by the liberality of the late owner, the property of the American 
Antiquarian Society, and a part has gone to Bowdoin college. 

f The following is a copy of the original record, in which, with peculiar elegance 
of language, the aim and design of the Society are developed. 

"The preservation of books, pamphlets, manuscripts and records, containing 
histoiical facts, biographical anecdotes, temporary projects, and beneficial specu- 
lations, conduces to mark the genius, delineate the manners, and trace the progress 
of society in the United States, and must always have a useful tendency to rescue 
the true history of this country from the ravages of time, and the effects of igno- 
rance and neglect. 

" A collection of observations and descriptions in natural history and topography, 
together with specimens of natural and artificial curiosities, and a selection of every 
thing which can improve and promote the historical knowledge of our country, 
either in a physical or political view, has long been considered as a desideratum; 
and as such a plan can be best executed by a society whose sole and special care 
shall be confined to the above objects : We the subscribers do agree to form such 
an institution, and to associate for the above purposes, subject to the following regu- 

" Article 1. This Society shall be called the Historical Society, and consist 
of a number not exceeding thirty, (a) who shall, at the time of their election, be citi- 
zens of the Commonwealth of Massachusetts. 

" Art. 2. That each member, at the time of his admission, shall pay five dollars 

(o) Enlarged, subsequently, and "sixty" substituted. 

Massachusetts Historical Society. 11 

scantiness of our own literary resources. Yet it is to be 
remembered, that ages alone have sufficed to amass the 
former — and that public acts of the respective governments 
have successively augmented them. Thus the Royal Libra- 
ry of Paris, the first establishment of the kind in Europe, 
is indebted to a law of near three centuries' continuance, 
that a copy of every work he publishes be presented to it 
by each bookseller. With such aid, the increase is no 
marvel.* But, in relation to the collection now contem- 
plated, it commenced with private efforts of men of 
restricted means. 

" Their meetings were first held in the office of Judge 
Mi not, in Spring lane. But, being liable to interruption 
there, they obtained the use of a small apartment in 
Faneuil Hall, being the north-west corner of ' the attic/ a 
place/' says the writer's authority, "as retired and recon- 
dite, as explorers into the recesses of antiquity could think 

and two dollars annually, to create a fund for the benefit of the institution. And 
any member shall be exempted from the annual payment of two dollars, provided 
he shall, at any time after six months from his admissions pay to the treasurer 
thirty-four dollars in addition to what he had before paid. 

" Art. 3. All elections shall be made by ballot. No member shall nominate 
more than one candidate at the same meeting, and all nominations shall be made 
at a meeting previous to that at which the ballot is to be taken. 

" Art. 4. There shall be four stated meetings of the Society in each year, 
namely, on the last Tuesdays of January, April, July and October. And occa- 
sional meetings shall be convened on due notification from the president, or, in case 
of his absence, by one of the secretaries, upon the application of any two of the 

" Art. 5. There shall be annually chosen, at the meeting in April, a president, 
a recording and corresponding secretary, a treasurer, a librarian, and a standing 
committee of three. 

" Art. 6. All communications which are thought worthy of preservation, shall 
be entered at large, or minuted down in the books of the Society, and the originals 
kept on file. 

"Art. 7. At the request of any two members present, any motion shall be 
deferred to another meeting for further consideration before it is finally determined 

" Art. 8. All accounts shall be kept in dollars and cents. 

" Art. 9. Five members present shall be a quorum for all purposes, excepting 
those of making alterations in, or additions to the foregoing Articles, and the elec- 
tion of members. 

" Art. 10. No member shall be chosen unless there are eight members present 
at the election. 

11 Art. 11. The first Article shall not restrict the Society from electing corres- 
ponding members in any other State or country. 

" Art. 12. The members who are chosen in other States and countries shall 
not exceed the number of thirty, (a) and shall not be required to make contribution 
with the members who are citizens of the Commonwealth. 

* See a valuable paper on libraries, and the poverty of our own, in the July No. 
(1837) of the North American Review. 

(a) Altered, as before ; and several articles have been altered also, or enlarged, as became requisite. 

12 Massachusetts Historical Society. 

of visiting." * In a few months, however, after this re- 
moval, they were accommodated in the building originally 
erected for the proposed linen factory, f in which the Mas- 
sachusetts Bank transacted business. 

Their literary materials increasing, they were anxious 
to present them to the public in a permanent form. But 
it was "the day of small things/' and the means were 
wanting for publication. In this emergency, it was pro- 
posed by Dr. Belknap, in the autumn of 1791, to encour- 
age a periodical contemplated by two young men, { just 
commencing the business of printing. Accordingly, in a 
sheet attached to the "American Apollo," which made its 
appearance weekly, in 1792, commencing with the year, 
the publications of the Society began, and thus was com- 
pleted the first volume of their "Collections." These 
now amount to twenty-six volumes, divided into series of 
ten volumes each, denominated decades, the last volume 
of each decade containing the index of the series. As 
they were originally printed in small editions, several of 
the volumes have, of necessity, been re-commited to the 
press. Still it is difficult to obtain the set complete. 

In order to forward the designs of the Society, their 
Corresponding Secretary had already addressed to many 
gentlemen, throughout the United States and the adjacent 
islands, the following "Circular Letter," with its accom- 
paniment : 


" A Society has lately been instituted in this town, called 
the Historical Society ; the professed design of which 
is, to collect, preserve, and communicate materials for a 
complete history of this country, and accounts of all valu- 
able efforts of human ingenuity and industry, from the 
beginning of its settlement. In pursuance of this plan, 
they have already amassed a large quantity of books, pam- 
phlets, and manuscripts ; and are still in search of more : 
a catalogue of which will be printed for the information of 
the public. 

* Notes of Rev. Dr. Harris. 

t Where Hamilton place now is, in Tremont street. 

X Messrs. Joseph Belknap and Alexander Young. * 

Massachusetts Historical Society. 13 

" They have also given encouragement to the publi- 
cation of a weekly paper, to be called the American 
Apollo ; in which will be given the result of their in- 
quiries into the natural, political, and ecclesiastical history 
of this country. A proposal for the printing of this paper 
is here inclosed to you ; and it is requested that you would 
promote subscriptions, and contribute to its value and 
importance by attention to the articles annexed. The 
Society beg leave to depend on your obliging answer to 
these heads of inquiry, when leisure and opportunity will 

"Your letters addressed, free of expense, to the sub- 
scriber, will be gratefully received, and duly noticed in the 
Society's publications ; and you will have the satisfaction 
of contributing to the general stock of knowledge, with 
which they hope to entertain the public. 

" In the name, and by order of the Society, 

" Jeremy Belknap, Cor. Sec. 

" Summer street, Boston, Nov. 1, 1791." 

"Articles on which the Society request information, 

" 1. The time when your towm was granted and incor- 
porated ; its Indian name ; when the settlement began ; 
whether it was interrupted, and by what means ; to what 
colony or county it was first annexed ; and if there have 
been any alterations, what they are, and when made. 

2. The exploits, labors and sufferings of the inhabitants 
in war ; particular accounts of devastations, deaths, cap- 
tivities and redemptions. 

3. Divisions of your town into parishes and precincts, 
or the erection of new towns within the former limits. 

4. Time of gathering churches of every denomination ; 
names of the several ministers ; the times of their settle- 
ment, removal and death ; and their age at the time of 
their death. 

5. Biographical anecdotes of persons in your town, or 
within your knowledge, who have been remarkable for 
ingenuity, enterprise, literature, or any other valuable 
accomplishment ; an account of their literary productions, 
and, if possible, copies of them. 


14 Massachusetts Historical Society. 

6. Topographical description of your town and its vicin- 
ity ; mountains, rivers, ponds, vegetable productions ; 
remarkable falls, caverns, minerals, stones, fossils, pig- 
ments, medicinal and poisonous substances, their uses and 

7. The former and present state of cultivation, and your 
thoughts on further improvements, either in respect to 
agriculture, roads or canals. 

8. Monuments and relics of the ancient Indians ; num 
ber and present state of any remaining Indians among you. 

9. Singular instances of longevity and fecundity, from 
the first settlement to the present time. 

10. Observations on the weather, diseases, and the influ- 
ence of the climate, or of particular situations, employ- 
ments and aliments, especially the effect of spirituous 
liquors on the human constitution. 

11. Accurate bills of mortality, specifying ages and 
casualties, the proportion of births and deaths ; and the 
increase or decrease of population. 

12. Accounts of manufactures and fisheries, and thoughts 
on the further improvement of them. 

13. Modes of education, private or public ; what encour- 
agement is given to schools ; and what is done to advance 
literature ; whether you have a social library, what is the 
number of books, and of what value. 

14. What remarkable events have befallen your town, 
or particular families or persons at any time. 

P. S. Any books, pamphlets, manuscripts, maps or 
plans, which may conduce to the accomplishment of the 
views of the Society ; and any natural or artificial pro- 
ductions which may enlarge its museum, will be accepted 
with thanks. 

The library of the Society is deposited in an apartment 
of the Massachusetts Bank. Any person desirous of mak- 
ing a search among the books or manuscripts, may have 
access to it, under such regulations, and at such hours, as 
may be known by applying to any one of its members." 

Circulars, of import similar to this, with further enlarge- 
ments, have been, since that period, repeatedly distributed 

Massachusetts Historical Society. 15 

among gentlemen of science, or of curious research, and 
have occasionally elicited very valuable communications. 

Three centuries having elapsed, in 1792, from the first 
discovery of America, the Society resolved to notice the 
period. # Dr. Belknap was therefore appointed to deliver 
a discourse on the 23d of October. This was done, and 
the discourse printed — remaining a pleasing monument of 
the fine talents and diligent investigations of the author ; 
who gives, within its covers, the public notice of his hav- 
ing advanced in preparing the volumes of his " American 
Biography/' f with proposals for subscription. 

At the close of 1793, when the " Tontine Crescent" 
had been nearly finished, a room was most liberally offered 
to the Society by William Scollay, Charles Bulfinch, 
and Charles Vaughan, Esquires, the gentlemen under 
whose superintendence the erection had been effected. It 
was in the centre of the block, in Franklin place, over 
the Boston Library. The noble donation was gratefully 
accepted, and the public letter of thanks bears date Janu- 
ary 11, 1794. It follows. 

" Gentlemen, 

, " Your obliging letter of the 31st of December 
last, offering to the Massachusetts Historical Society a 
room in the centre building of the Crescent, I have com- 
municated to the Society. That association had its origin 
in a sincere wish to promote the honor and happiness of 
United America, and the labor of its members has been, 
and now is, employed with unremitting zeal and industry, 
in collecting and preserving those materials, which will 
give a foundation to a political, as well as a natural history 
of the country. Our fellow citizens, recognising the util- 
ity of our plan, have been very liberal and assiduous, in 
yielding us assistance and support. By these means we 
have amassed a great number of books, printed produc- 
tions, ancient manuscripts, and natural curiosities. The 
government of this Commonwealth has directed the Secre- 

* Centurial celebrations have since received the marked attention of the Society, 
as in 1820 at Plymouth, and in 1828 at Salem, &c. 

t Two volumes only have been published ; the first in 1794, and the second in 
1798; but it is understood that no inconsiderable progress was made before the 
author's decease toward a third volume. 

16 Massachusetts Historical Society. 

tary to deliver us copies of public proceedings ; and we 
hope that the general, and other governments, will afford 
us aid and countenance in the same manner. 

" Thus situated, and with these prospects, nothing could 
be more congenial to our wishes, or acceptable to our in- 
terest, than the generous offer you have made. We derive 
no small degree of pleasure from the consideration, that 
the donation is made by gentlemen, whose feelings for the 
public interest, and taste for architecture, have ornamented 
the capital with buildings so exceedingly elegant as the 

"I am directed by the Society, of which I have the 
honor of being president, to present to you their most cor- 
dial thanks for this mark of respect to their institution ; 
and to assure you, that a grateful sense of your generosity 
and goodness shall be preserved until the Society shall 
cease to exist. 

"I have the honor to be, gentlemen, with sentiments 
of respect, your most obedient and humble servant, 

" James Sullivan." 

This room continued to be occupied by the Society until 
1833. The situation, however, having been thought to 
expose the Society too much, from the difficulty of ap- 
proach, to the irreparable loss of its acquisitions in case 
of fire, various efforts had been made by special commit- 
tees * at different times, to obtain a place more commo- 
dious in its access, and promising greater safety ; but with 
no favorable result, until the erection, on the spot originally 
occupied by the Boston Athenaeum, of the substantial stone 
building which now accommodates that invaluable institu- 
tion, the Savings Bank. By a subscription of several 
members, aided more largely by generous friends, who 
appeared to feel that the object was of high public utility, 
arrangements were then effected,! by which an entire 
story, besides a convenient upper room, was devoted to 
the increasing treasures of the Society, and appropriately 
fitted for the purpose. 

The Hon. Mr. Quincy, especially, was for years, and more particularly during 
his mayoralty, desirous and engaged to produce a mutual accommodation for several 
of the literary and scientific associations, whose seat is the metropolis. 
1 At a cost of .$6,500. 

Massachusetts Historical Society, 17 

But we must return. The prospect of a location which, 
at the time it was made, was so very acceptable to the 
Society, drew forth the desire, and established the propri- 
ety of petitioning for an act of incorporation. As early, 
indeed, as July, 1792, the subject was agitated ; it was 
assigned to a committee in, January, 1793 ; but at the 
meeting which voted thanks for the room, and prepared 
for securing to the Society, and occupying it, the matter 
was expedited with new spirit ; and on the 19th of Febru- 
ary, 1794, granted in ample form by the legislature. 

In this act of incorporation, the following twenty-nine 
resident members, the number of which the Society then 
consisted, are legally embodied, viz. William Baylies, Esq., 
Jeremy Belknap, D. D., the Rev. Alden Bradford, Peleg 
Coffin, Esq., Rev. Manasseh Cutler, LL. D., John Davis, 
Esq., Daniel Davis, Esq., Aaron Dexter, M. D., the Rev. 
John Eliot, Nathaniel Freeman, Esq., the Rev. James Free- 
man, the Rev. Thaddeus Mason Harris, Isaac Lathrop, 
Esq., George Richards Minot, Esq., the Rev. John Mellen, 
Jun., Thomas Pemberton, William Dandridge Peck, the 
Rev. John Prince, Ezekiel Price, Esq., James Sullivan, Esq., 
David Sewall, Esq., Rev. Peter Thacher, D. D., William 
Tudor, Esq., Samuel Turell, Dudley Atkins Tyng, Esq., 
James Winthrop, Esq., Thomas Wallcut, Redford Webster, 
and William Wetmore, Esq. With the usual provisions, 
they are allowed to hold real estate producing an income 
of £500 per annum, and personal estate, beside books, 
papers, and articles in their museum, to the amount of 
£2,000. Their number is not to exceed sixty, exclusive 
of honorary members residing out of the Commonwealth ; 
and the legislature reserves to each of its branches free 
access to the library and museum. 

Soon after the incorporation, the circular letter was en- 
larged with new particulars, and directions given for the 
preservation of subjects in natural history, which were 
requested afresh, and with new urgency, from the animal, 
vegetable and mineral kingdoms, together with books, 
pamphlets, manuscripts, &c. to enrich the cabinet and 

The story of the building, now appropriated to the ob- 
jects of the Society, consists of a nail and the library room. 

18 Massachusetts Historical Society. 

In the former is found a number of ancient and modern 
portraits. Those of the families of Winslow,* and Phil- 
lips, beside several single portraits, as of Increase Mather, 
Gov. Hutchinson, f Gen. Lincoln, Lafayette, at an early 
period of life, Gov. Wolcott, the Hon. Judge Davis, re- 
cently president of the Society, and the Hon. T. L. Win- 
throp, the present President, will attract attention. That 
of the first Gov. Winslow, of the "Old Colony, " is pecu- 
liarly masterly, and supposed to have been painted by 
Vandyke, while Mr. Winslow was in England as a com- 
missioner. J 

It is very desirable that this department be increased. 
The portraits of governors of the Commonwealth, so judi- 
ciously hung in the senate-chamber of the State-house, 
with the large and valuable exhibition of a similar kind made 
in the library of Harvard college, and the few in Faneuil 
hall, where a series of the mayors of Boston might well 
be looked for, excite the wish, that public places may be- 
come more and more ornamented with the products of the 
pencil and burine, to transmit to other times the features 
of worthy men. How large the catalogue may be of such 
reliques, the writer has no means of knowing ; but our 
" guide books," as in old countries, must soon be expected 
to declare. Doubtless there are not a few yet existing on 
sufferance in many private families, which would be very 
acceptable to the community, if in some similar way ren- 
dered public and stationary. 

The library consists principally of printed books and 
mss. on American history, though by no means exclusively 
confined to it. It numbers near 6,000 articles, many of 
which are precious. The most ancient mss. are, proba- 
bly, a fragment of the Laws of Hoel Dha, in Welsh, and 
a specimen, in a medical treatise, of the English language 
in the reign of Richard II., with an illuminated missal, and 
a few similar productions. § Then follow autograph letters 
and treatises of several of the fathers of New England. 

* These are, at present, but deposited with the Society. 

t Believed to be unique, and as such solicited by the family in England, as a 
loan, for copying. 

X A list of the principal portraits is intended for this Volume. [Pub. Com. 

§ The Publishing Committee would mention, also, a very ancient manuscript of 
552 pages, neatly written, containing a translation of the JEntid of Virgil in blank 

Massachusetts Historical Society. 19 

A large collection of these, and of documents of a more 
recent date, had been made by Gov. Trumbull of Con- 
necticut, and are now bound in twenty-three volumes, 
folio, the property of this Society. 

It is not to be supposed, that, how important soever a 
collection of documents of a religious nature might be 
regarded, the Society limits itself to these. Yet as a large 
part of the early authors of our country were clergymen, 
and the original establishments in New England were made 
on religious accounts, it is not surprising that no inconsid- 
erable portion of the publications and mss. possessed by 
the Society are of an ecclesiastical nature. Still the col- 
lection is very imperfect ; and our Congregational body of 
churches are but very scantily furnished with materials for 
their history. The attested records of ecclesiastical coun- 
cils, and the particulars of ordinations, are often suffered 
to rest with the neglected papers of individual clergymen, 
and undergo the usual fate which awaits "old and musty 
writings, relating only to the dead, and of no use to the 
living. " It were to be wished, that the safe keeping of 
these and similar memorials might be uniformly entrusted 
to the archives of the Society. The subject has been re- 
peatedly suggested in private, has been laid before the 
convention of ministers, and by a special committee pre- 
sented to several of the more ancient churches — to obtain, 
if no more, the copies of church records. The value of 
all these documents may at some time be great — especially 
to the future ecclesiastical historian. 

Several periodicals have at different times been under- 
taken and failed, while others have survived, and still 
flourish. Some of these are found in the library. But it 
is still very defective ; and complete sets, desirable as the 
acquisition might be, are now, it is feared, to be rather 
wished and hoped for, than expected. 

Newspapers have been greatly desired, and sedulously, 
at an early period of the Society's labors, sought after and 

zerse, by Annibal Caro. This celebrated author died at Rome in 15G6. His 
Poems and Sonnets were much admired, and appeared at Venice in 1564 : and the 
" Eneide di Virgilio," was published at Paris in 1765, [two hundred years after the 
death of the author] in 2 vols. 4to, and the following commendation is given of it : — 
" This translation of the iEneid is done with so much spirit, that some judges have 
declared the composition scarcely inferior to the original." 

20 Massachusetts Historical Society. 

solicited ; yet the collection is far from complete. Never- 
theless, there are some, especially such as relate to the 
progress of the revolutionary struggle, which have often 
been consulted ; and for minute, local information, highly 
prized. Several editors have contributed to increase this 
stock, and receive, as they merit, public thanks for their 
liberality. Perfect files, of the earliest especially, young 
as our country is, are, perhaps, hardly, if at all, to be 
found. An eminent foreigner,* and the fact is curious, 
has been among the most successful single collectors of 
these flitting leaves ; and, thanks to the liberality of a 
Boston merchant,! the results of his care enrich the library 
of our University. The Antiquarian Society also has a 
very large collection J — but that of this Society was, of 
course, at an earlier period of avail to the community. 

The public documents of the general government, which 
have of recent years been transmitted from Congress, are 
a valuable part of the Society's treasures ; which have been 
occasionally increased, though, it is feared, not uniformly, 
by the legislature of Massachusetts. 

No small attention has been paid to the collection of 
maps, charts, and plans — of which the number is very 
respectable, and, has been of public use, as well as an 
essential aid in private researches. 

The publications of the Society have consisted almost 
entirely of its well-known " Collections." These, as 
has been stated, now extend to two decades, and six vol- 
umes of a third. They are in an 8vo form, and by their 
convenient size, and cheapness of execution, are better 
calculated, it is judged, for a wide and beneficial circula- 
tion, than the more stately and expensive volumes of the 
older European establishments of scientific and literary 
character. They embrace, of course, a great variety of 
miscellaneous information on almost all topics connected 
with the history, not of the United States only, or of their 
colonial condition, from the settlement of the respective 
States, but of the continent likewise — and even occasion- 

* Ebeling. t Mr. Thorndike. 

t Made originally by the distinguished printer, Isaiah Thomas, Esq., LL. D., 
its first president, whose extensive connections and long editorial labors gave him 
great advantages, and which has been subsequently increased. 

Massachusetts Historical Society. 21 

ally of the mother country, and others in Europe, so far as 
their relation demands. 

In such a field, it would be presumptuous in the writer 
of this "account" to attempt a discrimination, with regard 
either to the productions, or their respective authors. 
Many pages, however, of the volumes, consist of republi- 
cations of treatises out of print, and more, of valuable mss. 
of former days. In procuring these, the industry and care 
of many members of the Society, and the kindness of friends, 
have been conspicuous. The particular merits of every 
worthy contributor it were invidious to attempt to ascer- 
tain ; nor can the value, indeed, of the materials them- 
selves be fully appreciated in the present day. They have, 
in many cases, been absolutely rescued from destruction, 
and a future age alone will develope their worth. 

By the liberality of the late governor Gore, who was 
president of the Society from 1806 to 1818, a large addi- 
tion has been made to the library from his own collection, 
and a bequest of $2,000, increased, very acceptably, its 

From the present president of the Society, a donation 
of several ancient books and papers of the family of 
Winthrop, enriches, with other important benefactions, 
the Society's treasures — among which may be numbered a 
copy of the portrait of his illustrious ancestor, the first 
governor of Massachusetts, to the publication of whose 
journal, or history, his respected descendant largely con- 

The zeal of Alden Bradford, Esq., LL. D., one of 
the few survivors among its earliest members, and a large 
contributor to the history of his country,^ as well as to the 
Collections of this Society, induced him to obtain from the 
government of the State permission to extract from the 
Hutchinson papers in the Secretary's office such as the 
Society might deem worthy of publication. The mss. also 

* Dr. Bradford's separate historical publications are, A Collection of State Pa- 
pers, 8vo, 1818. History of Massachusetts, from 1764, the period to whieh Judge 
Minot carried his Continuation of Hutchinson, to July, 3775, published in 1822. 
A second volume carried the history to 1789. History of Massachusetts from 1620 
to 1820, in one volume, 8vo, and the History of Harvard College, published in the 
Quarterly Register recently. 


22 Massachusetts Historical Society. 

of the Danforth family were procured by him, and placed 
in the archives of the Society. 

The original arrangement of the library, and the first 
formation of its catalogue, were mainly due to the per- 
severing industry of Rev. Timothy Alden,* recently 
president of Alleghany College, but at that time residing 
in Boston, and to his beloved and lamented friend, the late 
Rev. Dr. McKean.j 

The recovery of our Indian languages, a labor which 
has been with so much ardor and success prosecuted by 
M. Du Ponceau, J in reference to the Delaware, has 
engaged the special attention of the Hon. Judge Davis, 
president, of late, of the Society, and of the Hon. J. Pick- 
ering, Esq., some of whose labors in this field enrich the 
volumes of the Society's Collections. Indeed, such re- 
covery has been deemed, by some, but a duty due to the 
memory of those whose pleasant land we occupy, and 
whose welfare employed the benevolent exertions of Eliot, 
Gookin, the Mayhews and Cottons, the memorials of 
whose deep interest in the aborigines may be said to 
hallow the Collections themselves. It may also in this 
connection be remarked, that some of the remains of our 
Indians, are found in the cabinet of curiosities, which the 
Society is forming. It is to be lamented that they are so 
few. But when the perishable nature of their productions 
is considered, and their wandering mode of life, it will 
easily appear, that little beside their tools and weapons 
could be expected to remain. Of these there are several, 
and they are mingled with similar proofs of industry and 
skill obtained by early navigators to the north-west coast 
of America, and presented by several of our enterprising 
merchants. The cabinet, however, has not grown rap- 

* In imitation of Weever's Funeral Monuments, which, with antiquaries, are in 
no small repute, Mr. Alden has published five small volumes of a Collection of 
Epitaphs. These establish obituary dates, and have allowed opportunity for 
occasional biographical sketches, the work admitting of indefinite enlargement. 

t He was taken away at a comparatively early age from a circle of strongly 
attached friends — few of' whom have had greater reason than the writer to cherish 
his memory. He is understood to have been the author of an Addition to Wood's 
Continuation of Goldsmith's History of England, published in two large 8vo 
volumes, 1814. He was also the biographer of Rev. Dr. Eliot; see Historical 
Collections, volume i., second series. 

X See the volumes of the American Philosophical Society for these labors of 
their greatly distinguished president. 

Massachusetts Historical Society. 23 

idly — and much of the cause, perhaps, may be found in 
an increasing desire to acquire and preserve such speci- 
mens in the different museums, which have from time to 
time been formed and patronized — a result of the very 
kind the Society desires to witness. 

The funds for the progress and support of the Society's 
designs, have been obtained in part from annual assess- 
ments on the members, partly from the sale of the " Col- 
lections/ ' and in no small degree from the liberal con- 
tributions of its more wealthy members. In consequence 
also of the delivery of a series of lectures on historical 
subjects, during the evenings of a few past winters, by 
some of the distinguished friends or members of the 
Society,* an addition has been made to its pecuniary 
resources. The legislature has likewise purchased for 
distribution in the several towns of the Commonwealth, 
some hundreds of copies of the Society's edition of Hub- 
bard's History, and of the Journal of Governor Winthrop, 
or, as it is more properly to be styled, his "History of 
New England," the latter edited, and greatly enriched 
with most valuable notes, by the present treasurer of the 
Society, the Hon. James Savage. 

It has been said already, that it were an invidious task 
to particularize and discriminate, in mentioning the literary 
labors of members of the Society ; yet, as several have 
been already named, a few further references may seem 
absolutely requisite. Thus, it is not to be overlooked, 
even in the present sketch, that, the attention of the 
legislature having been drawn, about twenty years ago, 
to the condition of the public records of the " Old Colony " 
of Plymouth, a commission was instituted, of members of 
this Society, viz. the late Rev. Dr. Freeman,! Samuel 

* From the avails of the lectures, the amount which has thus far been paid into 
the treasury is but little short of $1,000. 

t Few of the members have taken a deeper or more persevering concern in the 
interests of the Society than the gentleman now named. With his theological 
views the writer will not be expected to harmonize Yet will he never forget the 
obligations under which he has been laid by the early and effective frendship and 
urbanity of this studious and accurate scholar and honest man. Dr. Freeman 
was peculiarly attached on the " Old Colony," the seat of his family, and illustra- 
ted its local history in various communications, scattered through the Collections 
of the Society. He was also known to have made a veiy considerable preparation 
of geographical materials in reference to the United States, and his review of 
Morse's Geography is not forgotten. 

24 Massachusetts Historical Society. 

Davis, Esq., recently deceased, and B. R. Nichols, Esq., 
" to examine the said records, files, and documents, — and 
to report how far, in their opinion, it may be proper to 
have the same deposited in the archives of the Secretary 
of State, for the use of legislators, historians, and anti- 
quarians ; and how far it may be useful to multiply copies 
of the whole." They reported, that "it would be of 
benefit to the present age, and still more to posterity, to 
cause a fair transcript to be taken, and copies to be multi- 
plied by printing the most useful articles. " The result 
has been, the transcription of a mass of these records, 
amounting to eleven folio volumes, which are now deposit- 
ed, with the twenty-two volumes of original records, in 
the office of the Secretary of the Commonwealth. # To 
have aided in such an arrangement is gratifying, as is the 
contemplation of the attention paid by enlightened legisla- 
tors! to preserve and diffuse an accurate knowledge of the 
settlement and growth of our country. 

One great and important work, achieved by a distinguish- 
ed and beloved member of this Society, the late Rev. Dr. 
Holmes, for several years its Corresponding Secretary, 
must not be passed in silence. His " American Annals/' 
an edition of which has been published in England, will 
remain a highly creditable and valuable monument, not 
merely of accurate and laborious research, sound judgment, 
and inviolable fidelity, but of patriotism also and philan- 
thropy ; and while it illustrates the history of his country, 
from its discovery down to our times, will not fail to 
spread the reputation of the author, and endear his 

The History of Maine, J by the late governor Sullivan, 
and his account of the Penobscotts,§ are an important 

* See an account of this commission, &c. in vol. ii., 3d series, Hist. Coll. p. 
258, seq. 

t Under the authority and patronage of the legislature, a publication has recently 
been made, by W. JJhigham, Esq. of the most material parts of these documents, 
in a legal view. Similar publications have been in progress for several years in 
England, with splendid results; and France is now re-publishing her ancient 
original historians. 

t It is an interesting literary fact, that, on the completion of this work, its 
author disposed of the copyright for $200, which he presented to the Society. 

§ See Collections of Massachusetts Historical Society, vol. ix. 

Massachusetts Historical Society. 25 

contribution to a full knowledge of that rising and flourish- 
ing member of our Union. 

The various valuable publications of the Hon. W. 
Sullivan, the late W. Tudor, Esq., the Hon. Josiah, 
Quijnxy, Mayor of Boston, and now President of the 
University in its neighborhood ; of the Hon. Judge Story, 
of Governor Everett, of Mr. J. E. Worcester, and of 
Jared Sparks, Esq., who is doing so much to illustrate 
the name of our Washington, as well as to embalm his 
own — reflect honor on the Society of which they are 
members, and aid in accomplishing its patriotic aims. 

Similar remarks might be made in reference to several 
other works, as of Lincoln's History of Worcester, 
Lewis's of Lynn, Shattuck's of Concord, Felt's of 
Salem, Hamilton, Ipswich, and Essex, and the entertaining 
History of Boston, by the late Dr. Snow, whose blame- 
less character is cherished by the Society, and whose early 
death they regret. To several objects also of this Society 
the amiable, accomplished, and lamented Buckminster 
devoted no small attention.* 

But neither the occasion, nor the space allotted to this 
" Account " will allow enlargement, however gratifying 
it might be to the writer to indulge the recollection of 
departed associates and friends, or to dwell on the worth 
of those who happily survive. He will close this sketch 
with a catalogue of members of the Society, for which he 
acknowledges his obligations to the well known accuracy 
and attention of his respected friend, the Rev. Dr. 

Resident Members, in the order of their election. 

Mr. Thomas Wallcutt, Joseph Coolidge, Esq. Hon. John Pickering, LL. D. 

Hon. John Davis, LL. D. Joseph Tilrlen, Esq. Hon. Nahum Mitchell, 

Rev. T. M. Harris, D. D. Hon, James Savage, N. G. Snelling, Esq. 

Hon. Josiah Quincy, LL. D. Hon. Charles Jackson, LL. D. B. R. Nichols, Esq. 

Rev. Jonathan Homer, D. D. Rev. Charles Lowell, D. D. Hon. Nathan Hale, 

Hon. T. L. Winthrop, LL. D. Hon. Joseph Story, LL. D. Rev. Samuel Ripley, 

Hon. William Sullivan, LL. D. Hon. Leverett Saltonstall, His Exc. Edward Everett, LL. D. 

Hon. John Quincy Adams, LL. D. Ichabod Tucker, Esq. Hon. J. C. Merrill, 

Rev. John Pierce, D. D. Hon. Francis C. Gray, Rev. William Jenks, D. D. 

Hon. Daniel Webster, LL. D. Hon. Alexander H.Everett, LL.D. Hon. H. A. S. Dearborn, 

* For little more than a year was he connected with ii, yet he contemplated a 
work, ** On the Sources of American History," which, had he lived to complete it, 
might have been of high worth. 


Massachusetts Historical Society. 

Rev. Henry Ware, Jr., D. D. 
Hon. John Lowell, LL. D. 
Samuel P. Gardner, Esq. 
Gamaliel Bradford, M. D. 
Rev. F. W. P.Greenwood, 
Rev. John G. Palfrey, D. D. 
Jared Sparks, Esq. 
Benjamin Merrill, Esq. 
Joseph E. Worcester, M. A. 
Joseph Willard, Esq. 

Lemuel Shattuck, Esq. 
Isaac P. Davis, Esq. 
Mr. Alonzo Lewis, 
Rev. Joseph B. Felt, 
Hon. Lemuel Shaw, LL. D. 
Hon. James T. Austin, 
Rev. Convers Francis, D. D. 
Hon. John Welles, 
Rev. Charles W. Upham, 
William Lincoln, Esq. 

George Ticknor, Esq. 

Rev. John Codman, D. D. 

Mr. George Bancroft, 

Hon. Nathan Appleton, 

Hon. Rufus Choate, 

Hon. John G. King, 

Rev. Alexander Young, 

Hon. Daniel A. White, LL. D. 

William Gibbs, Esq. 

Josiah Bartlett, M. D. 

Corresponding Members. 

Rev. Alexander Spark, Quebec, Can. 

Noah Webster, LL. D. New Haven, Ct. 

Hon. St. George Tucker, Williamsburg, Va. 

Phineas Miller, Esq. Savannah, Ga. 

James Clarke, Esq. Halifax, N. S. 

Rev. Asa Norton, Paris, N. Y. 

Hon. Stephen Van Rensselaer, LL. D. Albanyi N. Y- 

Ephraim Ramsay, Esq. Charleston, S. C. 

Henry W. Desaussure, Esq. Charleston, S. C. 

Lemuel Kollock, M. D. Savannah, Ga. 

John Dunn, LL. D. Killaly, Irel. 

Benjamin De Witt, M. D. Albany, N. Y. 

Mr. Thomas Pieronnett, Demarara, 

Rev. Thomas Hall, Leghorn, 

Rev. Timothy Alden, Alleghany Co. Pa. 

John Newman, M. D. Salisbury, N. C. 

John Vaughan, Esq. Philadelphia, Pa. 

William Barton, Esq. Lancaster, Pa. 

William Johnson, New York. 

Charles M. Wentworth, Esq. Halifax, N. S. 

Robert Anderson, M. D. Edinburgh, Scot. 

Hon. Samuel Eddy, LL. D. Rhode Island, 

Benjamin Silliman, LL. D. New Haven, Ct. 

His Exc. W. Plumer, Epping, N. H. 

Jonathan Williams, Esq. Philadelphia, Pa. 

Rt. Hon. Earl of Buchan, Edinburgh, Scot. 

Rev. John Basset, Albany, N. Y. 

Moses Fiske, Tennessee, 

Hon. Timothy Pitkin, Farmington, Ct. 

Rev. Eliph. Nott, D. D., LL. D. Schenectady, N. Y. 

Hon. John C. Smith, LL. D. Sharon, Ct. 

John Pintard, Esq. New York, N. Y. 

John W. Francis, M. D. New York, N. Y. 

Rev. James Richards, D. D. Auburn, N. Y. 

Hon. Charles H. Atherton, Amherst, N. H. 

George Chalmers, Esq. London, Eng. 

Michael Joy, Esq. London, Eng. 

Samuel Bayard, Esq. New Jersey, 

Baron Alexander Von Humboldt, Paris, France, 

Major Hugh McCall, Savannah, Ga. 

William T. Williams, Esq. 

Hon. Peter S. Duponceau, LL. D. Philadelphia, Pa. 

Jonathan Goodhue, Esq. New York, N. Y. 

Gulian C. Verplanck, LL. D. New York, N. Y. 

Robert Walsh, LL. D. Philadelphia, Pa. 

J. Van Ness Yates, Esq. Albany, N. Y. 

Hon. Jeremiah Mason, LL. D. Boston, 

John Farmer, Esq. Concord, N. H. 

William Lee, Esq. 

Hon. Frederick Adelung, Berlin, Prussia, 

Adm. Sir Isaac Coffin, London, Eng. 

Samuel Williams, Esq. London, Eng. 

M. Julius de Wallenstein, 

M. Barbe Marbois, Paris, France, 

Gregorio Tunes, 

Manuel Moreno, 

His Exc. Don Jose Maria Salazar, Colombia, 

Adam Winthrop, Esq. Louisiana, 

Rev. John Hutchinson, England, 

Hon. Theodorick Bland, Maryland, 

Senor Manuel Lorenzo Vidaurre, 

Hon. Albert Gallatin, LL. D. Pennsylvania, 

Rev. Timothy Flint, Cincinnati, O. 

Prof. C. C. Rafn, Copenhagen, , 

Chev. Pedersen, Minister from Denmark, 

Thomas C. Haliburton, Esq. Nova Scotia, 

Washington Irving, LL. D. New York city, 

James Graham, England, 

Rev. Henry Channing, New London, Ct. 

Mr. John F. Watson, Philadelphia. Pa. 

Mr. James H. Dean, Vermont, 

Charles Fraser, Esq. Charleston, S. C. 

Thomas Aspinwall, Esq. London, Eng. 

Sir Francis Palgrave, London, Eng. 

Hon. Lewis Cass, LL. D. Washington, D. C. 

Rev. Jasper Adams, D. D. Charleston, S. C. 

Hon. Roberts Vaux, Philadelphia, Pa. 

Theodore Dwight, Esq. New York city, 

Theodore Dwight, Jr. Esq. New York city, 

James Mease, M. D. Philadelphia, Pa. 

Hon. William Jay, Bedford, N. Y. 

Ch. Just. Jona. Sewall, Quebec, Can. 

Sir John Caldwell, Quebec, Can. 

Sharon Turner, Esq. Eng. 

Francis B. Winthrop, Esq. New Haven, Ct. 

Due de Montmorenci, Paris, France, 

M. Cesar Moreau, Paris, France, 

J. Smyth Rogers, Hartford, Ct. 

Erastus Smith, Esq. New Haven, Ct. 

William Schlegel, Copenhagen, 

Finn Magnusson, Copenhagen, 

Col. Juan Galindo, Copenhagen, 

Judge Henry A. Bullard, Louisiana, 

Hon. Richard Biddle, Pittsburgh, Pa. 

J. K. Paulding, Esq. New York city, 

Hon. Henry Clay, LL. D. Lexington, Ky. 

Rev. W. Allen, D. D. Pres. Bowdoin College, 

Hon. Levi Woodbury, LL. D. Washington, D. C. 

Rev. Benjamin Tappan, D. D. Augusta, Me. 

J. Francis Fisher, Esq. Philadelphia, Pa. 

T. A. Moerenbout, Tahiti, Soc. Isl. 

Usher Parsons, M. D. Providence, R. I. 

W. D. Williamson, Esq. Bangor, Me. 

George Folsom, Esq. New York City, 

Peter G. Stuy vesant, Esq. New York city, 

Rev. Luther Halsey, D. D. Auburn, N. Y. 

A Word to Boston. 27 



[In the Hid volume of the Collections, first series, was published 
" a descriptive and Historical account of New England, in verse," 
by Gov. Bradford, of which Dr. Belknap remarks, " if it be not 
graced with the charms of poetry, yet it is a just and affecting narra- 
tive, intermixed with pious and useful reflections." Of a like strain 
are the lines that follow, and as, from the reference to them in the 
Governor's Will, of which we subjoin an extract, they were by him 
commended to preservation, we rescue them from the original manu- 
script where for more than one hundred and sixty years they have 
remained in obscurity. 

" I commend unto your wisdom and discretion, some small bookes 
written by my own hand, to be improved as you shall see meet. In 
special I commend to you a little booke with a blacke cover, wherein 
there is a word to Plymouth, a word to Boston, and a word to New 
England ; with sundry useful verses." [The Will was witnessed by 
Thomas Cushman, Thomas Southworth, and Nathaniel Morton.] 

Of Boston in New England. 

O Boston, though thou now art grown 
To be a great and wealthy town, 
Yet I have seen thee a void place, 
Shrubs and bushes covering thy face ; 
And house then in thee none were there, 
Nor such as gold and silk did weare ; 
No drunkenness were then in thee, 
Nor such excesse as now we see. 
We then drunke freely of thy spring 
Without paying of any thing ; 
We lodged freely where we would, 
All things were free and nothing sold. 
And they that did thee first begin 
Had hearts as free and as willing 
Their poor friends for to entertaine, 
And never looked at sordid gaine. 

Some thou hast had whorae 1 did know, 
That spent theirselves to make thee grow, 
And thy foundations they did lay 
Which doe remaine unto this day. 
When thou wast weak they did thee nurse, 
Or else with thee it had been worse ; 
They left thee not, but did defend 
And succour thee unto their end. 

Thou now hast growne in wealth and store, 
Doe not forget that thou wast poore, 

28 A Word to New England. 

And lift not up thyselfe in pride, 
From truth and justice turne not aside. 
Remember thou a Cotton had, 
Which made the hearts of many glad ; 
What he thee taught bear thou in minde, 
It's hard another such to finde. 
A Winthrop once in thee was knowne 
Who unto thee was as a crowne. 
Such ornaments are very rare 
Yet thou enjoyed this blessed pair. 
But these are gone, their work is done, 
Their day is past, set is their sun: 
Yet faithful Wilson still remains, 
And learned Norton doth take pains. 

Live ye in peace. I could say more. 
Oppress ye not the weake and poore. 
The trade is all in your own hand, 
Take heed ye doe not wrong the land, 
Lest he that hath lift you on high, 
When, as the poore to him doe cry 
Doe throw you downe from your high state, 
And make you low and desolate. 

A word to New England. 

O New England, thou canst not boast; 

Thy former glory thou hast lost. 

When Hooker, Winthrop, Cotton died, 

And many precious ones beside, 

Thy beauty then it did decay, 

And still doth languish more away ; 

Love, truth, good-men, mercy and grace, 

And wealth and the world take their place. 

Thy open sins none can them hide, 

Fraud, drunkenness, whoredom and pride. 

The great oppressors slay the poore, 

But whimsie errors they kill more. 

Yet some thou hast who mourne and weep, 

And their garments they unspotted keep ; 

Who seek God's honour to maintaine 

That true Religion may remaine. 

These doe invite and sweetly call 

Each to other, and say to all, 

Repent, amend, and turn to God 

That we may prevent his sharp rod, 

Time yet thou hast, improve it well, 

That God's presence may with you dwell. 

Our Forefather's Song. 29 


[Composed about the year 1630, author unknown ; taken memo- 
riter, in 1185, from the lips of an old Lady, at the advanced period 
of 96. There is visibly a break in the sense, commencing at the bth 
line of the bth verse : and, through the failure of memory, four lines 
have been lost at the latter part of the 5th stanza.] 

New England's annoyances you that would know them, 
Pray ponder these verses which briefly doth shew them. 


The place where we live is a wilderness wood, 
Where grass is much wanting that's fruitful and good : 
Our mountains and hills and our valleys below, 
Being commonly covered with ice and with snow : 
And when the northwest wind with violence blows, 
Then every man pulls his cap over his nose : 
But if any's so hardy and will it withstand, 
He forfeits a finger, a foot, or a hand. 


But when the spring opens we then take the hoe, 
And make the ground ready to plant and to sow ; 
Our corn being planted and seed being sown, 
The worms destroy much before it is grown ; 
And when it is growing some spoil there is made, 
By birds and by squirrels that pluck up the blade ; 
And when it is come to full corn in the ear, 
It is often destroyed by raccoon and by deer. 


And now our garments begin to grow thin, 
And wool is much wanted to card and to spin ; 
If we can get a garment to cover without, 
Our other in garments are * clout upon clout; 
Our clothes we brought with us are apt to be torn, 
They need to be clouted soon after they're worn, 
But clouting our garments they hinder us nothing, 
Clouts double, are warmer than single whole clothing. 


If fresh meat be wanting, to fill up our dish, 

We have carrots and turnips as much as we wish ; 

And is there a mind for a delicate dish 

We repair to the clam banks, and there we catch fish. 

* Clout signifies patching. 

30 Our Forefather's Song. 

Instead of pottage and puddings and custards and pies, 
Our pumpkins and parsnips are common supplies ; 
We have pumpkins at morning and pumpkins at noon ; 
If it was not for pumpkins we should be undone. 

If barley be wanting to make into malt, 
We must be contented and think it no fault; 
For we can make liquor to sweeten our lips, 
Of pumpkins and parsnips and walnut tree chips. 


Now while some are going let others be coming, 
For while liquor's boiling it must have a scumming 
But I will not blame them, for birds of a feather, 
By seeking their fellows are flocking together. 
But you whom the Lord intends hither to bring, 
Forsake not the honey for fear of the sting; 
But bring both a quiet and contented mind, 
And all needful blesssings you surely will find 



[We introduce this interesting Paper by the following letter to the Corr. Sec. of 
Mass. Hist. Society.] 

Dear Sir, 

Agreeably to your request, I forward to you a copy of the Win- 
throp ms. belonging to the New York Historical Society, as transcribed 
by the Assistant Librarian, under the direction of the Society, in accord- 
ance with a resolution I had the honor to submit at a late meeting. A 
member of your Publishing Committee, whom I had informed of the 
existence of this document, communicated to me the desire of the Com- 
mittee to have it inserted in their forthcoming volume of Collections, 
and as it is the production of a man whose fame is inseparably connected 
with the history of Massachusetts, there seemed to be a manifest pro- 
priety in acceding to the request. The Society, therefore, readily 
consented that it should be communicated to the public, through that 

T am satisfied, by comparing it with the original, that the copy has been 
accurately made ; occasionally, however, a word was illegible, rendering 
it necessary to leave blanks. The ms. is evidently in the obscure hand- 
writing prevalent at the period to which it is referred, though probably 
not in that of the author. It is supposed to have been presented to the 
Society by the late Francis B. Winthrop, Esq., of this city, (the oldest 
brother of the Hon. Thomas L. Winthrop, late Lieutenant Governor of 
Massachusetts,) a lineal descendant, of the author, into whose possession 
I am informed most of the old family papers came, nearly all of which 
have since perished. Among these was an original letter from Charles 
II. to Governor Winthrop of Connecticut, which was in existence a few 
years ago in this city. 

Although aided in my inquiries by B. R. Winthrop, Esq., Recording 
Secretary of this Society, and of the same family, (who, by the way, is 
also, on his mother's side, a lineal descendant from Governor Stuyvesant, 
of the Rival Colony of New Netherlands, afterwards New York.) I 
regret to be unable to furnish any additional information relative to this 
interesting relic of the " brave leader and famous Governor " of the 
Colony of Massachusetts Bay. 

Very Respectfully, 

Your faithful 

and obedient Servant, 

George Folsom. 

New York, April 19, 1838. 

Prefatory Remarks by a Member of the Massachusetts Historical 


It is not easy for any of us, in modern times, to form a perfect esti- 
mate of that devotion to the general good, which characterised the 
fathers of New England. Some glorious, though inadequate, ideas are 
excited, indeed, in a generous breast, when the story is first heard of the 
noble company of pilgrims, who, having lived seven years exiles from 
their native land, among the Hollanders, but not of them, came in mid- 
winter to the desolate coast of Plymouth, to bury half their number in 
three months. Well might a colony of half a hundred souls, including 
women and children, be compacted together by common principles, as 
by common perils ; and we can readily believe, that, in all their acts, 
they should make reference to the will of the Most High, from whom 
alone their hourly preservation was expected. 

But that politic and accomplished gentlemen, well supplied with means 
of present enjoyment, and entitled to expect future advancement at 
home, should have been exalted to a spirit of stern patriotism and equal 
self denial in founding deeply and broadly the edifice of such an em- 
pire, whose whole and true glory was all within their prophetic vision, 
is a marvel which students of romance alone had ever contemplated. 
Tantum religio potuit. 

Readers of the following homily of Governor Winthrop must, how- 
ever, naturally have anticipated the success of the Massachusetts settle- 
ment, if his principes of action were diffused among his companions, 
and taught to their descendants. The name of that man is always sure 
to bring up to remembrance the virtues of our fathers, which will never 
find a better representative. That he practised what in this essay is 
inculcated, the record of his life for nineteen years fully discloses; and 
the failure of others to fill out the whole character, when they yielded to 
temptation in returning to their native land, or in emigrating to happier 
fields and more benignant skies, grieved him, like the ingratitude of a 
child to his parent. His reflections on the subject, after twelve years of 
service in the cause, make one of the most striking passages of his His- 
tory, II. 87, and may appropriately be here introduced : 

" For such as come together into a wilderness, where are nothing but 
wild beasts and beastlike men, and there confederate together in civil 
and church estate, whereby they do, implicitly at least, bind themselves 
to support each other, and all of them that Society, whether civil or 
sacred, whereof they are members, — how they can break from this with- 
out free consent, is hard to find, so as may satisfy a tender or good con- 
science in time of trial. Ask thy conscience, if thou wouldst have 
plucked up thy stakes, and brought thy family three thousand miles, if 
thou hadst expected that all, or most, would have forsaken thee there. 
Ask again, what liberty thou hast towards others, which thou likest not 
to allow others towards thyself; for if one may go, another may, and so 
the greater part, and so church and commonwealth may be left destitute 
in a wilderness, exposed to misery and reproach, and all for thy ease and 
pleasure , whereas these all, being now thy brethren, as near to thee as 
the Israelites were to Moses, it were much safer for thee, after his exam- 
ple, to choose rather to suffer affliction with thy brethren, than to enlarge 
thy ease and pleasure by furthering the occasion of their ruin." 2. 





By the Hon. John Winthrop Esqr. In his passage (with a 

great company of Religious people, of which Christian tribes he was 
the Brave Leader and famous Governor;) from the Island of Great 
Brittaine to New-England in the North America. Anno 1630. 


A Modell hereof. 

God Almighty in his most holy and wise providence, 
hath soe disposed of the condition of mankind, as in all 
times some must be rich, some poore, some high and 
eminent in power and dignitie ; others mean and in sub- 

The Reason hereof. 

1 Reas. First to hold conformity with the rest of his 
world, being delighted to show forth the glory of his 
wisdom in the variety and difference of the creatures, and 
the glory of his power in ordering all these differences 
for the preservation and good of the whole ; and the glory 
of his greatness, that as it is the glory of princes to have 
many officers, soe this great king will haue many stewards, 
counting himself more honoured in dispensing his gifts to 
man by man, than if he did it by his owne immediate 

2 Reas. Secondly that he might haue the more occasion 
to manifest the work of his Spirit : first upon the wicked in 

34 Modell of Christian Charity. 

moderating and restraining them : soe that the riche and 
mighty should not eate upp the poore nor the poore and 
dispised rise upp against and shake off theire yoake. 21y 
In the regenerate, in exerciseing his graces in them, as in 
the grate ones, theire love, mercy, gentleness, temper- 
ance &x., in the poore and inferior sorte, theire faithe, 
patience, obedience &c. 

3 Reas. Thirdly, that every man might have need of 
others, and from hence they might be all knitt more nearly 
together in the Bonds of brotherly affection. From hence 
it appears plainly that noe man is made more honourable 
than another or more wealthy &x., out of any particular 
and singular respect to himselfe, but for the glory of his 
creator and the common good of the creature, man. There- 
fore God still reserves the propperty of these gifts to him- 
self as Ezek. 16. 17. he there calls wealthe, his gold 
and his silver, and Prov. 3. 9. he claims theire service as 
his due, honor the Lord with thy riches &c. — All men 
being thus (by divine providence) ranked into two sorts, 
riche and poore ; under the first are comprehended all 
such as are able to live comfortably by their own meanes 
duely improved ; and all others are poore according to the 
former distribution. There are two rules whereby we 
are to walk one towards another : Justice and Mercy. 
These are always distinguished in their act and in their 
object, yet may they both concurre in the same subject in 
eache respect ; as sometimes there may be an occasion of 
showing mercy to a rich man in some sudden danger or 
distresse, and alsoe doeing of meere justice to a poor man 
in regard of some perticular contract &c. There is like- 
wise a double Lawe by which wee are regulated in our 
conversation towardes another ; in both the former respects, 
the lawe of nature and the lawe of grace, or the morrall 
lawe or the lawe of the gospell, to omitt the rule of justice 
as not propperly belonging to this purpose otherwise than 
it may fall into consideration in some perticular cases. 
By the first of these lawes man as he was enabled soe 
withall is commanded to love his neighbour as himself. 
Upon this ground stands all the precepts of the morrall 
lawe, which concernes our dealings with men. To apply 
this to the works of mercy ; this lawe requires two things. 
First that every man afford his help to another in every 

Modell of Christian Charity. 35 

want or distresse. Secondly, that hee performe this out 
of the same affection which makes him carefull of his 
owne goods, according to that of our Savior, (Math.) What- 
soever ye ivould that men should do to you. This was 
practised by Abraham and Lot in entertaining the angells 
and the old man of Gibea. The lawe of Grace or of the 
Gospell hath some difference from the former ; as in these 
respects, First the lawe of nature was given to man in the 
estate of innocency ; this of the Gospell in the estate of 
regeneracy. 21y, the former propounds one man to another, 
as the same flesh and image of God ; this as a brother in 
Christ allsoe, and in the communion of the same Spirit, 
and soe teacheth to put a difference between christians 
and others. Doe good to all, especially to the household 
of faith ; upon this ground the Israelites were to putt a 
difference betweene the brethren of such as were strangers 
though not of the Canaanites. 

31y. The Lawe of nature would give no rules for 
dealing with enemies, for all are to be considered as 
friends in the state of innocency, but the Gospell commands 
loue to an enemy. Proofe. If thine Enemy hunger, feed 
him ; Loue your Enemies, doe good to them that hate you. 
Math. 5. 44. 

This lawe of the Gospell propounds likewise a difference 
of seasons and occasions. There is a time when a chris- 
tian must sell all and give to the poor, as they did in the 
Apostles times. There is a time allsoe when christians 
(though they give not all yet) must give beyond their 
abillity, as they of Macedonia, Cor. 2, 6. Likewise com- 
munity of perills calls for extraordinary liberality, and soe 
doth community in some speciall service for the churche. 
Lastly, when there is no other means whereby our christian 
brother may be relieved in his distress, we must help him 
beyond our ability rather than tempt God in putting him 
upon help by miraculous or extraordinary meanes. 

This duty of mercy is exercised in the kinds, Giueving, 
lending and forgiving. — 

Quest. What rule shall a man observe in giueving in 
respect of the measure ? 

Ans. If the time and occasion be ordinary he is to giue 
out of his abundance. Let him lay aside as God hath 
blessed him. If the time and occasion be extraordinary, 


36 Modell of Christian Charity. 

he must be ruled by them ; taking this withall, that then 
a man cannot likely doe too much, especially if he may 
leave himselfe and his family under probable means of 
comfortable subsistence. 

Object. A man must lay upp for posterity, the fathers 
lay upp for posterity and children, and he is worse than 
an infidell that pronideth not for his owne. 

Ans. For the first, it is plaine that it being spoken by 
way of comparison, it must be meant of the ordinary and 
usuall course of fathers, and cannot extend to times and 
occasions extraordinary. For the other place the Apostle 
speaks against such as walked inordinately, and it is with- 
out question, that he is worse than an infidell who through 
his owne sloathe and voluptuousness shall neglect to 
provide for his family. — 

Object. The wise man's Eies are in his head, saith 
Solomon, and foreseeth the plague ; therefore he must 
forecast and lay upp against evill times when hee or his 
may stand in need of all he can gather. 

Ans. This very Argument Solomon useth to persuade 
to liberallity, Eccle.: Cast thy bread upon the waters, and 
for thou knowest not what evill may come upon the land. 
Luke 26. Make you friends of the riches of iniquity ; you 
will ask how this shall be ? very well. For first he that giues 
to the poore, lends to the lord and he will repay him even 
in this life an hundredfold to him or his. — The righteous 
is ever mercifull and lendeth and his seed enjoyeth the 
blessing ; and besides wee know what advantage it will 
be to us in the day of account when many such witnesses 
shall stand forth for us to witnesse the improvement of our 
tallent. And I would know of those whoe pleade soe 
much for laying up for time to come, whether they holde 
that to be Gospell, Math. 16. 19. Lay not upp for your- 
selves Treasures upon Earth fyc. If they acknowledge 
it, what extent will they allowe it ? if only to those primi- 
tive times, let them consider the reason whereopon our 
Saviour groundes it. The first is that they are subject to 
the moathe, the rust, the theife. Secondly, They will 
steale away the hearte ; where the treasure is there will 
ye heart be allsoe. The reasons are of like force at all 
times. Therefore the exhortation must be generall and 
perpetuall, withallwayes in respect of the love and affection 

Modell of Christian Charity. 37 

to riches and in regard of the things themselves when any 
speciall seruice for the churche or perticular Distresse of 
our brother doe call for the use of them ; otherwise it is 
not only lawfull but necessary to lay upp as Joseph did to 
haue ready uppon such occasions, as the Lord (whose 
stewards wee are of them) shall call for them from us ; 
Christ giues us an Instance of the first, when hee sent his 
disciples for the Ass, and bidds them answer the owner 
thus, the Lord hath need of him : soe when the Tabernacle 
was to be built, he sends to his people to call for their 
silver and gold, &c ; and yeildes noe other reason but that 
it was for his worke. When Elisha comes to the widow 
of Sareptah and findes her preparing to make ready her 
pittance for herselfe and family, he bids her first provide 
for him, he challengeth first God's parte which she must 
first give before shee must serve her owne family. All 
these teache us that the Lord lookes that when hee is pleased 
to call for his right in any thing wee haue, our owne 
interest wee haue, must stand aside till his turne be served. 
For the other, wee need looke noe further then to that of 
John 1. he whoe hath this world's goodes and seeth his 
brother to neede and shutts upp his compassion from him, 
how dwelleth the hue of God in him, which comes 
punctually to this conclusion ; if thy brother be in want 
and thou canst help him, thou needst not make doubt, 
what thou shouldst doe ; if thou louest God thou must 
help him. 

Quest. What rule must wee observe in lending ? 

Arts. Thou must observe whether thy brother hath 
present or probable or possible means of repaying thee, 
if there be none of those," thou must give him according to 
his necessity, rather then lend him as he requires ; if he 
hath present means of repaying thee, thou art to look at 
him not as an act of mercy, but by way of Commerce, 
wherein thou arte to walk by the rule of justice ; but if 
his means of repaying thee be only probable or possible, 
then is hee an object of thy mercy, thou must lend him, 
though there be danger of losing it, Deut. 15. 7. If any 
of thy brethren be poore &c, thou shalt lend him sufficient. 
That men might not shift off this duty by the apparent 
hazzard, he tells them that though the yeare of Jubile were 
at hand (when he must remitt it, if hee were not able to 


38 Modell of Christian Charity. 

repay it before) yet he must lend him and that chearefully. 
It may not greive thee to giue him (saith hee) and because 
some might object, why soe I should soone impoverishe 
myself and my family, he adds with all thy worke &c ; 
for our Saviour, Math. 5. 42. From him that vjouU borrow 
of thee turne not away. 

Quest. What rule must w r e observe in forgiuing ? 

Ans. Whether thou didst lend by way of commerce or 
in mercy, if he hath nothing to pay thee, must forgive, 
(except in cause where thou hast a surety or a lawfull 
pleadge) Deut. 15. 2. Every seaventh yeare the Creditor 
was to quitt that which he lent to his brother if he were 
poore as appears ver. 8. Save when there shall be no 
poore with thee. In all these and like cases, Christ was a 
generall rule, Math. 7. 22. Whatsoever ye would that 
men should doe to you, doe yee the same to them allsoe. 

Quest. What rule must wee observe and walke by in 
cause of community of perill ? 

Ans. The same as before, but with more enlargement 
towards others and lesse respect towards ourselves and 
our owne right. Hence it was that in the primitive Churche 
they sold all, had all things in common, neither did any 
man say that which he possessed was his owne. Likewise 
in theire returne out of the captivity, because the worke 
was greate for the restoring of the church and the danger 
of enemies was common to all, Nehemiah directs the 
Jews to liberallity and readiness in remitting theire debts 
to theire brethren, and disposing liberally to such as 
wanted, and stand not upon their owne dues which they 
might have demanded of them. Thus did some of our 
Forefathers in times of persecution in England, and soe 
did many of the faithful of other churches, whereof wee 
keepe an honorable remembrance of them ; and it is 
to be observed that both in Scriptures and latter stories 
of the churches that such as have beene most bountifull to 
the poore saintes, especially in those extraordinary times 
and occasions, God hath left them highly commended to 
posterity, as Zacheus, Cornelius, Dorcas, Bishop Hooper, 
the Cuttler of Brussells and divers others. Observe againe 
that the Scripture gives noe caussion to restraine any from 
being over liberall this way ; but all men to the liberall 
and cherefull practise hereof by the sweeter promises ; as 

Modell of Christian Charity. 39 

to instance one for many, Isaiah 58. 6. Is not this the 
fast I have chosen to loose the bonds of wickedness, to take 
off the heavy burdens, to lett the oppressed go free and to 
breake every yoake, to deale thy bread to the hungry and 
to bring the poore that wander into thy house, when thou 
seest the naked to cover them ; and then shall thy light 
brake forth as the morning and thy healthe shall growe 
speedily, thy righteousness shall goe before God, and the 
glory of the Lord shall embrace thee ; then thou shall call 
and the Lord shall ansvjer thee &c, Ch. 2. 10. If thou 
power out thy soule to the hungry, then shall thy light 
spring out in darkness, and the Lord shall guide thee con- 
tinually, and satisfie thy soule in draught, and make fait 
thy bones, thou shalt be like a watered garden, and they 
shall be of thee that shall build the old wast places &c. 
On the contrary most heavy cursses are layed upon such 
as are straightened towards the Lord and his people, 
Judg. 5. Cursse the Meroshe because he came not to help the 
Lord. Hee whoe shutteth his ear es from hearing the cry of the 
poore, he shall cry and shall not be heard ; Math. 25. Goe 
ye curssed into everlasting fire $*c. I was hungry and ye 
fedd mee not, Cor. 2. 9. 16. He that soweth sparingly 
shall reape sparingly. Haveing already sett forth the 
practice of mercy according to the rule of God's lawe, it 
will be useful to lay open the groundes of it allsoe, being 
the other parte of the Commandment and that is the affec- 
tion from which this exercise of mercy must arise, the 
Apostle tells us that this love is the fulfilling of the lawe, 
not that it is enough to loue our brother and soe noe 
further ; but in regard of the excellency of his partes 
giueing any motion to the other as the soule to the body 
and the power it hath to sett all the faculties on worke in 
the outward exercise of this duty ; as when wee bid one 
make the clocke strike, he doth not lay hand on the ham- 
mer, which is the immediate instrument of the sound, but 
setts on worke the first mouer or maine wheele ; knowe- 
ing that will certainely produce the sound which he in- 
tends. Soe the way to drawe men to the workes of 
mercy, is not by force of Argument from the goodness or 
necessity of the worke ; for though this cause may enforce, 
a rationall minde to some present act of mercy, as is 
frequent in experience, yet it cannot worke such a habit in 

40 Modell of Christian Charity. 

a soule, as shall make it prompt upon all occasions to 
produce the same effect, but by frameing these affections 
of loue in the hearte which will as naturally bring forthe 
the other, as any cause doth produce the effect. 

The deffinition which the Scripture giues us of loue is 
this. Love is the bond of perfection, first it is a bond or 
ligament. Sly it makes the worke perfect. There is noe 
body but consists of partes and that which knitts these 
partes together, giues the body its perfection, because it 
makes eache parte soe contiguous to others as thereby 
they doe mutually participate with each other, both in 
strengthe and infirmity, in pleasure and paine. To in- 
stance in the most perfect of all bodies ; Christ and his 
Church make one body ; the severall partes of this body 
considered a parte before they were united, were as dis- 
proportionate and as much disordering as soe many contrary 
quallities or elements, but when Christ comes, and by his 
spirit and loue knitts all these partes to himselfe and each 
to other, it is become the most perfect and best pro- 
portioned body in the world, Eph. 4. 16. Christ, by 
whome all the body being knitt together by every joint for the 
furniture thereof, according to the effectuall power which is 
in the measure of every perfection of partes, a glorious body 
without spott or wrinkle; the ligaments hereof being Christ, 
or his love, for Christ is love, 1 John 4. 8. Soe this 
definition is right. Love is the bond of perfection. 

From hence we may frame these conclusions. 1. First 
of all, true Christians are of one body in Christ, 1 Cor. 
12. 12. 13. 17. Ye are the body of Christ and members of 
their parte. All the partes of this body being thus 
vnited are made soe contiguous in a speciall relation as 
they must needes partake of each other's strength and in- 
firmity; joy and sorrowe, weale and woe. 1 Cor. 12. 26. 
If one member suffers, all suffer with it, if one be in honor, 
all rejoyce with it. 21y. The ligaments of this body which 
knitt together are loue. Sly. Noe body can be perfect 
which wants its proper ligament. 51y. This sensibleness 
and sympathy of each other's conditions will necessarily 
infuse into each parte a native desire and endeavour, to 
strengthen, defend, preserve and comfort the other. To 
insist a little on this conclusion being the product of all 
the former, the truthe hereof will appeare both by precept 

Modell of Christian Charity. 41 

and patterne. 1 John 3. 10. Yee ought to lay doune your 
lives for the brethren. Gal. 6. 2. beare ye one another's bur- 
then's and soe fulfill the lawe of Christ. For patterns wee 
haue that first of our Saviour whoe out of his good will in 
obedience to his father, becomeing a parte of this body 
and being knitt with it in the bond of loue, found such a 
natiue sensibleness of our infirmities and sorrowes as he 
willingly yielded himselfe to deathe to ease the infirmities 
of the rest of his body, and soe healed theire sorrowes. 
From the like sympathy of partes did the Apostles and 
many thousands of the Saintes lay doune theire lives for 
Christ. Againe the like wee may see in the members of 
this body among themselves. 1 Rom. 9. Paule could 
have been contented to have been separated from Christ, 
that the Jewes might not be cutt off from the body. It 
is very observable what hee professeth of his affectionate 
partaking with every member ; whoe is weake (saith hee) and 
I am not weake ? whoe is offended and I burne not ; and 
againe, 2 Cor. 7. 13. therefore wee are comforted because yee 
were comforted. Of Epaphroditus he speaketh, Phil. 2. 30. 
that he regarded not his owne life to do him service. Soe 
Phebe and others are called the servants of the churche. 
Now it is apparent that they served not for wages, or by 
constrainte, but out of loue. The like we shall finde in 
the histories of the churche in all ages ; the sweete sym- 
pathie of affections which was in the members of this body 
one towards another ; theire chearfullness in serueing and 
suffering together ; how liberall they were without repine- 
ing, harbourers without grudgeing, and helpfull without 
reproaching ; and all from hence, because they had feruent 
loue amongst them ; which onely makes the practise of 
mercy constant and easie. 

The next consideration is how this loue comes to be 
wrought. Adam in his first estate was a perfect modell of 
mankinde in all their generations, and in him this loue was 
perfected in regard of the habit. But Adam, rent him- 
selfe from his Creator, rent all his posterity allsoe one from 
another ; whence it comes that every man is borne with 
this principle in him to loue and seeke himselfe onely, and 
thus a man continueth till Christ comes and takes posses- 
sion of the soule and infuseth another principle, loue to 
God and our brother, and this latter haueing continuall 

42 Modell of Christian Charity. 

supply from Christ, as the head and roote by which he is 
vnited, gets the predomining in the soule, soe by little and 
little expells the former. 1 John 4. 7. loue cometh of God 
and every one that loueth is borne of God, soe that this loue 
is the fruite of the new birthe, and none can have it but 
the new creature. Now when this quallity is thus formed 
in the soules of men, it workes like the Spirit upon the drie 
bones. Ezek. 39. bone came to bone. It gathers together 
the scattered bones, or perfect old man Adam, and knitts 
them into one body againe in Christ, whereby a man is be- 
come againe a living soule. 

The third consideration is concerning the exercise of 
this loue, which is twofold, inward or outward. The out- 
ward hath beene handled in the former preface of this 
discourse. From unfolding the other wee must take in our 
way that maxime of philosophy. Simile simili gaudet, or 
like will to like ; for as of things which are turned with 
disaffection to eache other, the ground of it is from a 
dissimilitude or ariseing from the contrary or different 
nature of the things themselves ; for the ground of loue is 
an apprehension of some resemblance in the things loued 
to that which affects it. This is the cause why the Lord 
loues the creature, soe farre as it hathe any of his Image 
in it ; he loues his elect because they are like himselfe, he 
beholds them in his beloued sonne. So a mother loues her 
childe, because shee throughly conceives a resemblance of 
herselfe in it. Thus it is betweene the members of Christ; 
eache discernes, by the worke of the Spirit, his oune Image 
and resemblance in another, and therefore cannot but loue 
him as he loues himself. Now when the soule, which is of 
a sociable nature, findes anything like to itselfe, it is like 
Adam when Eve was brought to him. She must be one 
with himselfe. This is flesh of my flesh (saith he) and bone 
of my bone. Soe the soule conceives a greate delighte in 
it ; therefore shee desires nearness and familiarity with it. 
Shee hath a greate propensity to doe it good and receiues 
such content in it, as fearing the miscarriage of her be- 
loved, shee bestowes it in the inmost closett of her heart. 
Shee will not endure that it shall want any good which 
shee can giue it. If by occasion shee be withdrawne from 
the company of it, shee is still looking towardes the place 
where shee left her beloved. If shee heard it groane, shee 

Modell of Christian Charity. 43 

is with it presently. If shee finde it sadd and disconsolate, 
shee sighes and moanes with it. Shee hath noe such joy 
as to see her beloved merry and thriving. If shee see it 
wronged, shee cannot hear it without passion. Shee setts 
noe boundes to her affections, nor hath any thought of 
reward. Shee findes recompense enough in the exercise of 
her loue towardes it. Wee may see this acted to life in 
Jonathan and David. Jonathan a valiant man endued with 
the spirit of love, soe soone as he discovered the same 
spirit in David had presently his hearte knitt to him by 
this ligament of loue ; soe that it is said he loued him as 
his owne soule, he takes soe great pleasure in him, that 
hee stripps himselfe to adorne his beloved. His father's 
kingdome was not soe precious to him as his beloved David, 
David shall haue it with all his hearte. Himself desires 
noe more but that hee may be neare to him to rejoyce in 
his good. Hee chooseth to converse with him in the wilder- 
nesse even to the hazzard of his oune lite, rather than with 
the greate Courtiers in his father's Pallace. When hee sees 
danger towards him, hee spares neither rare paines nor 
perill to direct it. When injury was offered his beloued 
David, hee would not beare it, though from his oune 
father. And when they must parte for a season onely, 
they thought theire heartes would have broake for sorrowe, 
had not theire affections found vent by abundance of teares. 
Other instances might be brought to showe the nature of 
this affection ; as of Ruthe and Naomi, and many others ; 
but this truthe is cleared enough. If any shall object that 
it is not possible that loue shall be bred or upheld without 
hope of requitall, it is graunted ; but that is not our cause; 
for this loue is alluayes vnder reward. It never giues, but 
it alluayes receives with advantage ; First in regard that 
among the members of the same body, loue and affection 
are reciprocall in a most equall and sweete kinde of com- 

2nly. In regard of the pleasure and content that the exer- 
cise of loue carries with it, as w T ee may see in the naturall 
body. The mouth is at all the paines to receive and mince 
the foode which serves for the nourishment of all the other 
partes of the body ; yet it hath noe cause to complaine ; for 
first the other partes send backe, by severall passages, a 
due proportion of the same nourishment, in a better forme 

44 Modell of Christian Charity. 

for the strengthening and comforting the mouthe. 21y the 
laboure of the mouthe is accompanied with such pleasure 
and content as farre exceedes the paines it takes. Soe is 
it in all the labour of love among Christians. The partie 
louing, reapes loue again, as was showed before, which 
the soule covetts more then all the wealthe in the world. 
31y. Nothing yeildes more pleasure and content to the 
soule then when it findes that which it may loue fervently; 
for to love and live beloved is the soule's paradise both 
here and in heaven. In the State of wedlock there be 
many comforts to learne out of the troubles of that Con- 
dition ; but let such as have tryed the most, say if there 
be any sweetness in that Condition comparable to the 
exercise of mutuall loue. 

From the former Considerations arise these Conclu- 
sions. — 1. First, This loue among Christians is a reall thing, 
not imaginarie. 21y. This loue is as absolutely necessary 
to the being of the body of Christ, as the sinews and 
other ligaments of a naturall body are to the being of that 
body. Sly. This loue is a divine, spiritually nature ; free, 
active, strong, couragious, permanent ; undervaluing all 
things beneathe its propper object and of all the graces, 
this makes us nearer to resemble the virtues of our 
heavenly father. 4thly It rests in the loue and wellfare 
of its beloued. For the full certain knowledge of those 
truthes concerning the nature, use, and excellency of this 
grace, that which the holy ghost hath left recorded, 1 Cor. 
13, may give full satisfaction, which is needful for every 
true member of this louely body of the Lord Jesus, to 
worke upon theire heartes by prayer, meditation con- 
tinuall exercise at least of the speciall [influence] of this 
grace, till Christ be formed in them and they in him, all 
in eache other, knitt together by this bond of loue. 

It rests now to make some application of this discourse, 
by the present designe, which gaue the occasion of writing 
of it. Herein are 4 things to be propounded ; first the 
persons, 21y the worke, 31y the end, 4thly the meanes. 
1. For the persons. Wee are a company professing our- 
selves fellow members of Christ, in which respect onely 
though wee were absent from each other many miles, and 
had our imployments as farre distant, yet wee ought to 
account ourselves knitt together by this bond of loue, and, 

Modell of Christian Charity. 45 

live in the exercise of it, if wee would haye comforte of 
our being in Christ. This was notorious in the practise 
of the Christians in former times ; as is testified of the 
Waldenses, from the mouth of one of the adversaries 
JEneas Sylvius " mutuo ament pere antequam norunt," 
they use to loue any of theire owne religion even before 
they were acquainted with them. 2nly for the worke wee 
have in hand. It is by a mutuall consent, through a 
speciall overvaluing providence and a more than an or- 
dinary approbation of the Churches of Christ, to seeke out 
a place of cohabitation and Consorteshipp under a due 
forme of Government both ciuill and ecclesiasticall. In 
such cases as this, the care of the publique must oversway 
all private respects, by which, not only conscience, but 
meare civill pollicy, dothe binde us. For it is a true 
rule that particular Estates cannot subsist in the ruin of 
the publique. 31y The end is to improve our lives to doe 
more service to the Lord; the comforte and encrease of 
the body of Christe, whereof we are members ; that our- 
selves and posterity may be the better preserved from the 
common corruptions of this evill world, to serve the Lord 
and worke out our Salvation under the power and purity 
of his holy ordinances. 4thly for the meanes whereby this 
must be effected. They are twofold, a conformity with 
the worke and end wee aime at. These wee see are 
extraordinary, therefore wee must not content ourselves 
with usuall ordinary meanes. Whatsoever wee did, or 
ought to have done, when wee liued in England, the 
same must wee doe, and more allsoe, where wee goe. 
That which the most in theire churches mainetaine as 
truthe in profession onely, wee must bring into familiar 
and constant practise ; as in this duty of loue, wee must 
loue brotherly without dissimulation, wee must loue one 
another with a pure hearte fervently. Wee must beare 
one anothers burthens. We must not looke onely on our 
owne things, but allsoe on the things of our brethren. 
Neither must wee thinke that the Lord will beare with 
such faileings at our hands as he dothe from those among 
whome wee have lived; and that for these 3 Reasons ; 1. 
In regard of the more neare bond of manage between him 
and us, wherein hee hath taken us to be his, after a most 


46 Modell of Christian Charity. 

strickt and peculiar manner, which will make them the 
more jealous of our loue and obedience. Soe he tells the 
people of Israeli, you onely have Iknowne of all the families 
of the Earthe, therefore will I punishe you for your Trans- 
gressions. 21y, because the Lord ivill he sanctified in them 
that come neare him. We know that there were many 
that corrupted the service of the Lord ; some setting upp 
altars before his owne ; others offering both strange fire 
and strange sacrifices allsoe ; yet there came noe fire 
from heaven, or other sudden judgement upon them, as 
did upon Nadab and Abihu, whoe yet wee may think did 
not sinne presumptuously. 31y When God gives a speciall 
commission he lookes to have it strictly observed in every 
article, When he gave Saule a commission to destroy 
Amaleck, Hee indented with him upon certain articles, 
and because hee failed in one of the least, and that upon a 
faire pretense, it lost him the kingdom, which should have 
beene his reward, if hee had observed his commission. 
Thus stands the cause betweene God and us. We are 
entered into Covenant with Him for this worke. Wee 
haue taken out a commission. The Lord hath given us 
leave to drawe our own articles. Wee haue professed 
to enterprise these and those accounts, upon these and 
those ends. Wee have hereupon besought Him of favour 
and blessing. Now if the Lord shall please to heare us, 
and bring us in peace to the place we desire, then hath 
hee ratified this covenant and sealed our Commission, and 
will expect a strict performance of the articles contained 
in it ; but if wee shall neglect the observation of these 
articles which are the ends wee have propounded, and, 
dissembling with our God, shall fall to embrace this 
present world and prosecute our carnall intentions, seek- 
ing greate things for ourselves and our posterity, the Lord 
will surely breake out in wrathe against us ; be revenged 
of such a [sinful] people and make us knowe the price of 
the breache of such a covenant. 

Now the onely way to avoyde this shipwracke, and to 
provide for our posterity, is to followe the counsell of Micah, 
to doe justly, to love mercy, to walk humbly with our , God. 
For this end, wee must be knitt together, in this worke, as 
one man. Wee must entertaine each olher in brotherly 

Modell of Christian Charity. 41 

affection. Wee must be willing to abridge ourselves of our 
superfluities, for the supply of other's necessities. Wee 
must uphold a familiar commerce together in all meekeness, 
gentlenes, patience and liberality. Wee must delight in 
eache other ; make other's conditions our oune ; rejoice 
together, mourne together, labour and suffer together, 
allvvayes haueving before our eyes our commission and 
community in the worke, as members of the same body. 
Soe shall wee keepe the unitie of the spirit in the bond of 
peace. The Lord will be our God, and delight to dwell 
among us, as his oune people, and will command a bless- 
ing upon us in all our waves. Soe that wee shall see much 
more of his wisdome, power, goodness and truthe, than 
formerly wee haue been acquainted with. Wee shall finde 
that the God of Israeli is among us, when ten of us shall 
be able to resist a thousand of our enemies ; when hee 
shall make us a prayse and glory that men shall say of 
succeeding plantations, "the Lord make it likely that 
of New England." For wee must consider that wee shall 
be as a citty upon a hill. The eies of all people are uppon 
us. Soe that if wee shall deale falsely with our God in this 
worke wee haue undertaken, and soe cause him to with- 
drawe his present help from us, wee shall be made a story 
and a by- word through the world. Wee shall open the 
mouthes of enemies to speake evill of the wayes of God, 
and all professors for God's sake. Wee shall shame the 
faces of many of God's worthy servants, and cause theire 
prayers to be turned into curses upon us till wee be con- 
sumed out of the good land whither wee are a goeing. 

I shall shutt upp this discourse with that exhortation of 
Moses, that faithfull servant of the Lord, in his last fare- 
well to Israeli, Deut. 30. Beloued there is now sett before 
us life and good, Death and evill, in that wee are commanded 
this day to hue the Lord our God, and to hue one another, to 
walke in his wayes and to keepe his Commandements and his 
Ordinance and his lawes, and the articles of our Covenant 
with him, that wee may Hue and be multiplied, and that the 
Lord our God may blesse us in the land whither wee goe to 
possesse it. But if our heartes shall turne away, soe that wee 
will not obey, but shall be seduced, and worshipp and serue 
other Gods, our pleasure and proffitts, and serue them ; it is 

48 Post Office Department. 

propounded unto us this day, wee shall surely perishe out of 
the good land whither wee passe over this vast sea to pos- 
sesse it ; 

Therefore lett us choose life 

that wee, and our seede 

may Hue, by obeyeing His 

voyce and cleaveing to Him, 

for Hee is our life and 

our prosperity. 


[It is well known, that little has been systematically published on the 
past history of the Post Office department in our country. — Such a sub- 
ject might be individually and interestingly handled from its small be- 
ginnings to its present expanded and important relations. — To aid in 
preserving materials for the accomplishment of this subject, — the pub- 
lishing Committee have prepared the ensuing article. — Most of the 
extracts and documents, which they here quote, are derived from the 
Massachusetts Archives.] 


Under General Court Records. 5th, 9 mo. 1639. 

" For preventing the miscarriage of letters, — It is order- 
ed that notice bee given, that Richard Fairbanks his house 
in Boston is the place appointed for all letters, which are 
brought from beyond the seas, or are to be sent thither ; — 
are to bee brought unto him and he is to take care, that 
they bee delivered, or sent according to their directions, 
and hee is alowed for every such letter Id. and must 
answer all miscarriages through his owne neglect in this 
kind ; provided that no man shall bee compelled to bring 
his letters thither except hee please." 

Post Office Department. 49 


General Court Records. January 6 — 1673-4. 

" Whereas the publick occasions of the Country doe 
frequently require that messengers be sent post and as yet 
no stated allowance is settled in such cases, — It is ordered 
by this Court and the authority thereof that from henceforth 
every person so sent upon the publicke service of the coun- 
try shall be allowed by the Treasurer after the rate of 3d. a 
mile to the place to which he is sent, in money, as full satis- 
faction for the expense of horse and man. And no inholder 
shall take of any such messenger or others travayling upon 
publicke service more then 2s. pr bushall for oates and 4d. 
for hay, day and night." 


The petition of sundry Merchants respecting Letters. 
To the Honourable General Court now sitting in Boston. 

May 23d, 1677. 
We whose names are under written, hearing ma- 
ny complaints made by Merchants and others, and sev- 
eral of us being sensible of the loss of letters ; where- 
by Merchants especially, with their friends and employers 
in forraigne parts are greatly damnified ; many times the 
letters imposted and throwne upon the Exchange so that 
who will may take them up; no person without some 
satisfaction being willing to trouble their houses there- 
with ; so that letters of great moment are frequently 
lost : — our humble request, therefore, to this Honoured 
Court is, that they will please to depute some meet per- 
son to take in and convey Letters according to direction ; 
and the Honoured Court sett the prices on letters, and 
state that affaire. And if this Honoured Court please, we 
suppose Lt. Richard Way may be a fit person for that 

William Brattle, Sampson Sheafe, 

Thomas Deane, Edward Shippen, 

Hezekiah Usher, Richard Knight, 

John Usher, John Hubbard, 

50 Post Office Department. 

Charles Lidget, Edward Drinker, 

Benjamin Davis, Henry Derings, 

John Fay er weather, John Clarke, 

John Frost John Pynchon, Jr. 
Richard Crisp, 

The Deputies have granted the petitioners their desire 
herein ; and, in Richard Way's roome doe make choice 
of Mr. John Hayward, the scrivener, to be the man, the 
Honored Magistrates consenting hereunto. 

10th May, '11. William Torrey, Clerk. 

Consented to by the Magistrates. 

Edward Raws on, Secretary. 


General Court Records. 1677, Dec. 28. 

In answer to the request of several! merchants of Boston 
declaring that they have heard many complaints made 
by merchants and others that have been sensible of the 
losse of letters, whereby merchants with their friends and 
imployers in forreign parts are greatly damnified ; 
many times letters are thrown upon the exchange that 
who will may take them up &c, therefore humbly desire 
this Court to depute some meete person to take in and 
convey letters according to their direction. This Court 
judgeth it meete to grant the petitioners request herein 
and haue made choyce of Mr. John Hayward, the Scrivener, 
to be the person for that service. 


An act encouraging a Post Office. 

Whereas their most excellent Magesties, by their letters 
patents under the great seale of England bearing date the 
17th day of February, in the yeare of our Lord 1691, have 
given unto Thomas Neale Esq., his Executors, Administra- 
tors and assignes, full power and authority to erect, settle, 
and establish within the chief ports of their Magesties' 
Colonies and Plantations in America an office or offices for 
the receiving and dispatching Letters and pacquets ; and to 

Post Office Department. 51 

receive, send, and deliver the same under such rates and 
sums of money as the planters shall agree to give, and 
to hold and enjoy the same for the terme of twenty one 
years ; with such powers and clauses as are necessary on 
that behalf as by the letters patents reference being there- 
unto had may more fully and largely appear ; and where- 
as Andrew Hamilton Esq. is deputed and constituted to 
govern and manage the said General Post Office for and 
throughout all their Magesties Plantations and Colonies in 
the main land or continent of America and the Islands 
adjoining thereunto, persuant to the directions of the said 
Letters Patents ; and whereas he the said Andrew Hamil- 
ton hath made application to his Excellency and Council, 
and Representatives, convened in General Assembly, that 
they would ascertaine and establish such rates and sums 
of money upon Letters and Pacquetts that shall be received 
and dispatched by the said Office or Officer, for the effec- 
tual encouragement of the said General Post Office and for 
the quicker maintenance of mutual correspondence amongst 
all the neighbouring Colonies and Plantations afore- 
said, and that trade and commerce may be the better pre- 
served ; Be it therefore enacted by the Governor and Council 
and Representatives convened in General Assembly, and by 
the authority of the same, that there be from henceforth 
A General Letter Office erected and established 
in some convenient place within the town of Boston, from 
whence all letters and pacquets whatsoever may be with 
speed and expedition sent into any part of the neighbour- 
ing colonies and plantations or the main land and continent 
of America, or unto any of their Magesties kingdoms and 
dominions beyond the seas ; at which said office all re- 
turns and ansuers may be likewise received ; and that one 
Master of the said General Letter Office shall from time 
to time be appointed by the said Andrew Hamilton, which 
said Master of the Office, or his servant or agent, and no 
other person or persons whatsoever, shall from time to 
time have the receiving, takeing up, ordering, dispatching, 
and sending post or with speed, and delivering of letters 
and pacquets whatsoever, w T hich shall from time to time 
be sent to and from all and every the adjacent Colonies 
and Plantations on this main land and continent of America 
or any other their majesties kingdoms and dominions be- 

52 Post Office Department. 

yond the seas, where he the said Post Master general, 
shall settle or cause to be settled posts or running messen- 
gers for that purpose, except such letters of Merchants 
and Masters which shall be sent by any Masters of Ships, 
boat, or other vessels of merchandize by any other person 
employed by them for the carriage of such letters afore- 
said according to the respective directions, and also except 
letters to be sent by any private friend or friends in their 
way of journey or travel, or by any messenger or messen- 
gers sent on purpose for or concerning the private affairs 
of any person or persons. 

And be it further enacted by the authority aforesaid that it 
shall and may be lawful to and for the Post Master General 
aforesaid, and his Deputy or Deputies by him thereunto 
sufficiently authorized, to demand, have, receive and take 
for the postage and conveyance of all such letters which 
he shall so convey, carry, or send post, as aforesaid, ac- 
cording to the several rates and sums of current money of 
this Province hereafter mentioned, not to exceed the 
same ; that is to say, for the post of every single letter 
from Europe, the West Indies, or other parts beyond the 
seas, two pence ; and all letters are to be accounted single, 
though they contain Bills of lading, Gazettes, Invoices, 
&c. and for each pacquet of letters from the places afore- 
said, four pence ; and a pacquet shall be accounted three 
letters for the least ; and for the post of every single letter 
from Rhode Island t6 Boston, or from Boston to Rhode 
Island, six pence ; and so in proportion to the greatness 
and quantity of letters ; and for the post of each single 
letter from the post road in Connecticut Colony to Bos- 
ton, nine pence ; and so in proportion as aforesaid ; and 
for the post of each single letter from the City of New- 
York, twelve pence ; and so in proportion as aforesaid ; 
and lor the post of each single letter from the Provinces of 
East or West Jersey or Pennsylvania, fifteen pence ; and 
so in proportion as aforesaid : and for the post of each 
single letter from Maryland or Virginia, two shillings, and 
so in proportion as aforesaid. And for the post of each 
single letter from Salem, three pence ; from Ipswich, 
Newbury, or other places eastward of Salem within this 
Province, four pence ; and from Piscataqua, six pence ; 
and so in proportion as aforesaid. And if any letters or 

Post Office Department. 53 

pacquets shall lie and remain in the office uncalled for, by 
the space of forty eight hours, the Post Master then send- 
ing them forth to the respective houses of the persons to 
whom they are directed, shall have and receive one penny 
more for each letter or pacquet. 

And be it further resolved by the Authority aforesaid, that 
no person or persons whatsoever, or body politic or corpo- 
rate, other than the Post Master general aforesaid, shall 
presume to carry, recarry, or deliver letters for hire other 
than as before expressed, or to set up or employ any foot- 
post, horse-post, or pacquet boat whatsoever, for the carry- 
ing, conveying, and bearing of any letters or pacquets, by 
sea or land within this Province, or shall hire or maintain 
horses and furniture for the equipping of any persons riding 
post with a guide and horn, as is usual in their majesties' realm 
of England, upon the pain of forfeiting the sum of forty 
pounds current money of this Province for every several of- 
fence against the tenor of this present Act, to be sued and 
recovered in any Court of record within this Province, by 
bill, plaint or information ; wherein no essoyene, protec- 
tion, or wager of law shall be allowed ; one half of the 
said forfeiture to their majesties, towards the support of 
the government of this Province and the contingent 
charges thereof; and the other half to the Post Master 
General, who shall sue and prosecute for the same. 

And be it further enacted by the authority aforesaid, that all 
letters and pacquets, that by any master of any Ship or 
vessel, or any of his company, or any passenger therein, 
shall or may be brought to this port of Boston other than 
such letters as are before excepted, shall, by such Master, 
passenger, or other person, be forthwith delivered to the 
Post Master of Boston for the time being, or unto his ser- 
vants or agents, by him or them to be delivered according 
to the several and respective directions of the same, the 
said Post Master, or his servants paying to the Master of 
any such ship or vessel so delivering in his letters, a half 
penny for every letter or pacquet. 

And it is further enacted by the Authority aforesaid, that 
the Post Master General, his officers or servants, shall 
continue constant posts for the carriage of letters to the 
several places and stages above mentioned, and shall 
seasonably and faithfully deliver forth the letters according 


54 Post Office Department. 

to the intent of this Act, upon pain of forfeiture for* every 
omission five pounds ; to be recovered as aforesaid ; and 
to be disposed the one half to their majesties, as aforesaid, 
the other half to the party aggrieved who shall sue for 
the same. 

And it is further enacted that the said Post Master, his 
agents or servants, upon the coming in of every Post, do 
mark every letter with a print, to show the day of the 
month and year when every letter came in. 

And it is further enacted by the authority aforesaid, that if 
any ferryman within this their Majesties' Province shall 
at any time neglect, or refuse, or delay the conveying over 
his or their ferry, any post man or his horse, he shall forfeit 
the sum of five pounds, to be recovered and disposed as 
the penalty before by this Act laid upon such as shall set 
up any post or pacquet boat. 

And it is further enacted by the authority aforesaid, that all 
letters of public concernment for their majesties' service, 
from time to time, and at all times, shall be received, dis- 
patched away, and delivered with all possible speed, accord- 
ing to the respective directions thereon, free of all charge, 
and without demanding or receiving any money or pay for 
the same, any thing herein before contained notwithstand- 

Provided that this Act nor any thing therein contained, 
shall be and continue in force any longer than three years 
from and after the publication thereof, herein to the con- 
trary notwithstanding. 

Past in the affirmative. 

To be sent to the Council for their concurrence, 

William Bond, Speaker. 

Read three several times in the Council, and voted, 
past in the affirmative, June 9. 1693. 

William Pbips. 

Isaac Addington, Secretary. 

Post Office Department. 55 


To his Excellency the Governour, to the Honourable the Coun- 
cil, and to the Representatives convened in the General 

The humble application of Duncan Campbell, deputy 
Post Master, on behalf of the undertakers, and Col. An- 
drew Hamilton, Post Master General. 

Whereas there is a Post Office erected by Thomas Neale, 
Esq. in these northern parts of America, by virtue of a 
patent granted under the great seale of England, for the 
benefit and encouragement of trade, and speedy intelli- 
gence, &c. — and whereas by an Act passed by the General 
Assembly, they have established the several rates for let- 
ters from stage to stage, and that the post should go fer- 
riage free ; notwithstanding the aforesaid grant, we find, 
daily, several refractory persons, and the Post many times 
for two or three hours is waiting for other passengers, &c. 
— also masters of vessels deliver letters as they please, &c. 
all which is a great discouragement to this undertaking, 
of so great a benefit to this country, &c. — also it is hum- 
bly presented to this honourable Assembly that the charges 
of this Post Office are thrice the income ; he humbly de- 
sires that a salary may be settled for the carrying on of so 
advantageous a design, &c. The Governor and Assembly 
of New York have settled fifty pounds per annum for three 

'Tis humbly desired that no person may be permitted 
to go on board of any Vessel to receive any letters before 
the packet boat, as 'tis the custom in other places. 

This is left to your Excellency and the honourable As- 
sembly's consideration. 

Read in Council. Read and sent up.* 

* [Nothing conclusively was done.] 

56 Post Office Department. 


To the Honourable William Stoughton, Esq. Governour, the 
Council, anal Representatives of their Majesties' Province 
of the Massachusetts Bay, in New England, convened in 
General Assembly. 

The Petition of Duncan Campbell, Post Master for the 
Town of Boston, — Humbly sheiveth, 

That whereas the General Court have enacted that all 
letters and pacquets that by any master of any ship or 
vessel, or any of his company, or any passenger therein, 
shall or may be brought to the port of Boston (other than 
such letters as are therein excepted) shall by such master, 
passenger, or other person be forthwith delivered to the 
Post Master of Boston for the time being, or unto his ser- 
vants or agents by them to be delivered according to the 
respective directions of the same, &c. as in and by the 
Act of encouraging a Post Office doth more at large appear ; 
notwithstanding which several persons do go on board 
ships on their first arrival, and receive sundry letters from 
passengers and others, before the same are delivered unto 
the Post Office, to the great lessening of the profits and 
revenue thereof, and to the damage of particular persons, 
there being no penalty imposed by said Act for the trans- 
gressors of the same. 

Your Petitioner therefore prays that this honourable 
Court will be pleased to affix such penalty to the said Act, 
and to order that the same may be duly observed ; and 
that offenders against it be liable to such punishment or 
forfeitures as your honours shall judge meet : and that all 
letters brought in any ship or vessel be delivered into the 
Post Office also under a penalty, except the letters of or 
belonging to the owners of such ship or vessel. 

Your petitioner further prays this Honourable Court, that 
in consideration of his own case, charge, and diligence in 
tending and despatching away public letters out of the post 
road, and on days in which the post does not go (for which 
there is no allowance) you would please to free him from the 
payment of all public rates and taxes, as also that he may 
not be liable to pay excise for the retailing of strong drink 

Post Office Department. 57 

and other liquors, in case he shall see cause to do the 
same ; it being only what privileges are granted to the 
Post Masters in other their majesties' Plantations. 
And your petitioner as in duty bound shall ever pray. 

Duncan Campbll. 

Voted, upon reading the petition of Duncan Campbell, 
that all persons not bringing letter or letters (except such 
as the law excepts) that ought to be delivered to the Post 
Office, shall pay four times as much per letter as the let- 
ters are payable to the Post, and damages to be made good 
to the party injured in not having his or their letters by 
any person's default : and public rates to be allowed him, 
said Petitioner, till the end of the three years mentioned in 
the law referring to the Post Office. 

March 8, 1694-5. Past in the affirmative by the House 
of Representatives, and sent up to the Honourable Lieu- 
tenant Governour and Council for consent.* 

Nehemiah Jewett, Speaker. 


To his Excellency Sir William Phips, Knight, Captain 

General and Governour in Chief in and over their Majesties 7 

Province of the Massachusetts Bay, in Nevj England, the 

Honourable Council and Representatives now assembled in 

General Assembly. 

Duncan Campbell, in behalf of Andrew Hamilton, Esq. 
Post Master General of North America, — Humbly sheweth, 

That whereas their Majesties have been graciously 
pleased to erect, settle, and establish a Post Office in these 
parts of America by their letters patents, granted unto 
Thomas Neale, Esq., which said Post Office has been duly 
kept and maintained by constant Posts in the trading part 
of this country for above a twelvemonth, and is of public 
use, benefit, and advantage, not only to merchants and 
other traders, but to every respective government, more 
especially to this Province, by reason that all public let- 
ters and expresses have been conveyed and dispatched 

* [It does not seem to have been acted on by the Council.] 

58 Post Office Department. 

free of all charge ; and finding so small encouragement 
by letter that it will not countervail one half of the charge 

Wherefore 'tis hoped this Honourable Court will take the 
premises into your prudent consideration, and not suffer 
so general a benefit to fail for want of due encourage- 
ment ; but that you will please to appoint and state some 
salary to be paid out of the public revenue towards the 
support of the said office for some time, as the neighboring 
Provinces have done ; that is to say, York hath allowed 
fifty pounds, and Hampshire twenty pounds per annum, for 
the space of three years. 

All which is humbly offered by 

Your Excellency's and Honors' 
Humble servant, 

Duncan Campbell. 
Read, June 19, 1694. 

In answer to the petition of Duncan Campbell, Voted, 
that there be allowed twenty-five pounds per annum out of 
the public treasury of this Province for the two next years 
ensuing the date hereof, towards the encouragement of the 
Post Office. 

Past in the affirmative by the House of Representatives, 
and sent up to his Excellency and Council for consent. 

Nehemiah Jewett, Speaker. 
June 20, 1694. 

Voted in Council that the sum of twenty-five pounds per 
annum for two years be paid Andrew Hamilton, Esq. 

Isaac Addington, Secretary. 


To the Right Honourable William Stoughton, Esq., Lieuten- 
ant Governour and Commander in Chief in and over his 
Majesty's Province of the Massachusetts Bay in New Eng- 
land, the Honourable Council and Representatives of the said 
Province convened in General Assembly, May 27, 1696. 

The petition of Duncan Campbell, Post Master in the 
town of Boston, in behalf of Andrew Hamilton, Esq. depu- 
ty Post-Master General for and throughout the several 

Post Office Department. 59 

Plantations and Colonies in the main land or Continent of 
America. — Humbly sheweth, 

That whereas the Great and General Court or as- 
sembly of his Majesty's Province abovesaid, begun and 
held at Boston on the 31st day of May, 1693, upon appli- 
cation to them made by the said Andrew Hamilton, for 
ascertaining and establishing such rates and sums of money 
upon letters and pacquets that shall be received and dis- 
patched by the officer or officers, appointed by the said 
Hamilton, in the principal ports and places within the Pro- 
vince for the effectual encouragement of the said General 
Post Office, and for the quicker maintenance of mutual 
correspondence amongst the neighbouring Colonies and 
Plantations, and that trade and commerce might be the 
better preserved, did make and pass an act, entitled an 
act encouraging a Post Office, to continue in force for the 
space of three years from the publication thereof, which 
term is near expired — and forasmuch as the said Post 
office is found to be of very great advantage to the Pro- 
vince, both in respect of the speedy conveyance and dis- 
patch of letters and pacquets to the neighbouring govern- 
ments, and also for the maintenance of trade and corres- 
pondence between particular persons. 

Your Petitioner therefore, in behalf of the said Andrew 
Hamilton, humbly prays this Honourable Court that the 
aforecited act may be revived and continued for such fur- 
ther time as shall be thought meet, with such further clauses 
and additions for the obliging masters of Vessels and oth- 
ers to deliver their letters into the Post Office, and to 
restrain their delivering of them to any other person or 
persons ; under such penalties and forfeitures as this Hon- 
ourable court shall please to enact. — And whereas for for- 
eign letters the rate now is two pence a piece, out of which 
the master that delivers the same into the office is to have 
an halfpenny, your petitioner prays that the rate for said 
letters may be advanced to three pence a piece, and the 
master that delivers them to have a penny thereout, which 
will be a great encouragement to masters not to deliver 
them to other persons. 

Your petitioner also further prays, that in consideration 
of the small revenue arising by the said office in conse- 

60 Post Office Department. 

quence of the charge thereof, and of the benefit the same 
is to the public, and also of its conveying their letters and 
pacquets free of charge, this Honourable Court would also 
please to continue a salary, to be paid to the said Andrew 
Hamilton, towards his defraying the charge of said office, 
which most of the neighboring Provinces do allow, — the 
Province of New York paying fifty pounds, and New 
Hampshire twelve pounds per annum towards the same. 
And your Petitioner as in duty bound shall ever pray. 

Thomas Campbell. 

June 6. Read. — 10. Read a second time. 

In the House of Representatives, Voted, in answer to 
this petition, that the within named Andrew Hamilton, 
Esq. be paid and allowed, out of the public treasury of this 
Province, the sum of five and twenty pounds for the year 

Sent up to the Lt. Governour and Council for their con- 
currence and consent. 

Penn Townsend, Speaker. 

Voted a concurrence in Council, 11 July, 1696. 

Isaac Addington, Secretary. 


The Memorial of John Campbell, Master of the Post Office 
of Boston and New England, relating to the Post Office, 
humbly offered to the Great and General Court or 
Assembly of his Majesty's Province of the Massachu- 
setts Bay in New England, now sitting at Boston, the 
26th of May, 1703. 

Imprimis. That the Patent for the Post Office in the 
north point of the Continent of America, granted by their 
excellent Majesties, King William and Queen Mary, in 
the fourth year of their reign, unto Thomas Neale, Esq. 
his Executors, Administrators, and Assigns, was for twen- 
ty-one years from the 17th of February, 1691, to the 17th 
of February, 1712. 

2. That there was an Act passed in the General Court 
at Boston, for settling a Post Office by virtue of said Patent, 
in anno 1693, granting privileges as by said Act appears, 

Post Office Department. 61 

which was to be in force only three years, viz. to the year 
1696 ; since which time no Act has been revived; for want 
whereof a great many irregularities are committed, and 
said office like to drop, and come to nothing. 

3. That Col. Hamilton, the Post Master General in this 
country, deputed thereto by the Post Master General of 
England, &c. according to a clause in the Patent, being 
appointed and nominated by Thomas Neale, Esq. to erect 
and settle said Post Office, which accordingly he did, and 
is out of purse, several years ago, above £1400 sterling, 
in settling the same ; and to this day is not yet able by the 
incomes thereof to defray the necessary charge in main- 
taining the same. , 

4. That Col. Hamilton, who was at the charge of set- 
tling said office, could never be reimbursed by said 
Thomas Neale, Esq., and was necessitated to take a mort- 
gage of said Patents, else have nothing ; so that the privi- 
lege of said Patent now devolves upon Col. Hamilton, and 
his heirs, Executors, &,c. 

5. That there are now ten years elapsed since the first 
settlement of the Post Office, and about a year and a half 
before the settlement, and about a year and a half to run 
out of the term of the Patent ; and since Col. Hamilton 
is so much money out of pocket already, and the income 
is not yet sufficient to defray the necessary charge in up- 
holding it, it will be but a just thing to revive the former 
Act, and to continue it to his Heirs, &c. during the term 
of the said Patent, with an additional amendment of some 
Act in several clauses and paragraphs thereof ; so much 
is it advantageous and beneficial to the public, and does at 
least save the public £150 per annum, that otherwise must 
be paid for expresses if there were no post. 

6. That every body carrying of letters to and from towns 
where Post Offices are settled, is a very great hindrance 
and discouragement to said office ; often thereby letters 
from Connecticut Colony are carried to Piscataqua, and 
put into the office there some weeks and months after 
written and sent, and at last come from Piscataqua to Bos- 
ton ; so that the Office is blamed for it without a cause. 
And, on the contrary, letters from Piscataqua come in the 
Western mail. 

7. That the letters from Europe and West Indies, and 


62 Post Office Department. 

other places that come in by sea, the one half is not 
brought to the Office. Those that do come pay but two 
pence, one penny of which goes to the Master, and those 
employed to receive them, and the other penny is lost in 
dead letters (remaining in the several Post Offices) of such 
persons that are dead and gone, — several letters for Eng- 
land and the West Indies, that we send away gratis, — and 
several letters that persons will not take up and pay for. 

8. That the ferrymen are very backward in carrying 
those employed in the Post Office, and do require money 
sometimes ; yea often backward to dispatch expresses 
when sent by the Government, — do judge it proper that all 
employed in the Post Office should be ferry-free, both man 
and horse. 

9. That in regard that the Post Master General, as is 
said, is incapacitated to give such salaries to the several 
Post Masters, as is requisite to discharge that trust as 
should be, — all persons concerned in said office should be 
freed from watchings, trainings, or any other public ser- 
vice ; and, either freed from rates, or excise free, or some 
other benefit equal to it. . 

10. That all Masters of Ships, &c. be obliged under a 
penalty, to deliver their letters at the Post Office, and to 
call for all letters on board his vessel from passengers and 
seamen ; which passengers and seamen shall incur the 
like penalty for not delivering them to the Master. And 
in case said Master do not deliver them himself at the said 
Office, but sends them either by one of his servants, pas- 
sengers, or any other deputed by the Post Master to re- 
ceive them, then said Master shall seal them up in a bag, 
always with an alphabetical list fairly drawn up, that no 
letters may be embezzled, as often they are. And in case 
the Post Master or Deputy, is necessitated to go on board 
for said letters, then the Master to have but one half of 
his allowance, the other half for the said Post Master and 
his Deputy or deputies. 

11. For want of such an Act a great many letters are 
miscarried, and often letters come into the Office from one 
and the same ship, some two days after the first, some three 
or four days ; some two and three w T eeks ; and some two 
and three months ; which I can prove to be true. 

12. That whereas there was usually allowed from this 

Post Office Department. 63 

Government, the first three years of the aforesaid Act, a 
salary for encouragement of said office, and nothing has 
been allowed since, it is requisite (with submission) that 
said salary may be now granted for the time elapsed, and 
for the future continued. 

13. And that in the sixth paragraph of the former Act 
the port of Boston be added, and particular offices in other 
towns of this Colony. 

14. That something might be done to cause people to 
pay for their letters when sent out. 

15. That some clause in the Axt be made for further 
encouragement ; that all towns in this Province, under 
some penalty, where no Post Office is settled, be obliged 
to call for their letters at the next post town, within some 
limited time, and pay the Post Master for them. 


To his Excellency Joseph Dudley, Esq., Captain General 
and Governour in Chief in and over her Majesty's Province 
of the Massachusetts Bay in New England, &c, and to 
the Honourable her Majesty's Council and the Repre- 
sentatives of the same, convened in General Assembly, 
and now sitting in Boston, the 26th day of May, Anno 
Domini, 1703. 

The humble Petition of John Campbell, Post Master of 
New r England, &c. sheweth, — 

That whereas the Post Office within this Province, ever 
since its first settlement has been found, and still continues 
to be of great use and service, and almost of absolute 
necessity to her Majesty's government and the commerce 
of her Majesty's subjects in this and the neighbouring Col- 
onies ; — and whereas the Act of this Province that first 
settled the same was but temporary, and expired in the 
year 1696, without having ever been since revived ; where- 
by the Post Office is now r rendered very precarious and 
uncertain, and labours, under so many disadvantagements, 
that, unless speedily and effectually supported, secured, 
and advanced by an Act of this Great and General Court 
or Assembly, it must necessarily fail and come to nothing, 
to the great hurt and injury of her Majesty's government 

64 Post Office Department. 

in this Country, and the great damage and loss of trade 
and commerce in these parts, — Your Petitioner being 
utterly discouraged and incapable of continuing the same, 
as it is now circumstanced, — your Petitioner, therefore, 
most humbly prays that your Excellency, and this great 
and general Assembly will be pleased to take the premises 
into your most mature and wise consideration ; as also the 
Memorial which your Petitioner does herewithal most hum- 
bly offer ; and for the future, so forward and provide for 
the Post Office, as that it may attain the end for which it 
was at first established. And your Petitioner, as in duty 
bound, shall ever pray ; — being always, 

Your Excellency's and Honours', 

most humble, obedient 

and faithful servant, 

John Campbell. 

We are humbly of opinion, that an Order be made by 
this great and general Assembly, that all Masters of Ships 
and Vessels arriving here, under the penalty of five pounds, 
deliver their letters to the Post Master, or his deputies ; 
sealed up in a bag or bundle, with an alphabetical list fairly 
drawn up ; — for each letter to receive of said Post Master 
one half penny. 

That the non-accustomed rates or prices, be paid for 

That a sum be allowed to Mr. John Campbell, for his 
encouragement to help support his charge ; he having 
hitherto taken care of public letters which otherwise must 
have had Expresses provided to forward them, £20 for the 
past, and £40 for the year ensuing ; and that the said 
Campbell be freed from impresses, trainings, and watches, 
during his employment of Post Master. 

June 3, 1703. 

Elisha Hutchinson. 
John Foster. 

Sent down for concurrence. 

Is. Addington, Secretary. 

Die predict, viz. June 3. Read in the House of Repre- 
sentatives. July 22d, 1703, Concurred ; with an amend- 

Post Office Department. 65 

ment, viz. the sum for the time past to be £10, and for 
the years ensuing, £20. 

James Converse, Speaker. 

In Council, July 22d, 1703, read and accepted, and the 
sums of £20 and £40, inserted by the Council. 

Is. Addington, Secretary. 


Boston, July 19th, 1703. 


That the present charge to maintain the 
Post Office between Piscataqua and Philadel- 
phia, for Post Master, riders, and other inci- 
dental charges, per annum, amounts to about 

the sum of £680,00,0. 

of which charge the Post Master of New Eng- 

land paid, will amount to, per annum, about 453,06,8. 
New York and Philadelphia, 226,13,4. 

Which £453,06,8 is £113,06,8 per 

quarter, and is per month . . £37,15,6. 
whereof received last month 

by letters inward . . £12,12,8. 
and to receive of the several 

inferior posts outward since 9,04,8. 

So falls short this month 15,18,2. 


And as to foreign letters, which pay 2d. and l-2d. where- 
of goes to the Master, the other l-2d. expended on these 
that bring the letters ashore and to the office, and the other 
penny lost in dead letters remaining in the several offices ; 
— so that the 2d. for foreign letters amounts in the end to 
nothing, — only supplies the deficiency of dead letters. 

66 Post Office Department. 

Which £37,15,6. per month is per week, . =£9,09,0. 
whereof received inwards last week, £2, 11,10. 
and to receive sent out last week, £1,11,00. 

So falls short this week, . . . 5,06,02. 


and makes short per annum about . . . £275,00,00. 


To his Excellency Joseph Dudley, Esq., Captain General 
and Governour in chief in and over her Majesty's Province 
of the Massachusetts Bay in New England, &c ; and to 
the Honourable her Majesty's Council and the House of 
Representatives, convened in General Assembly, and 
now sitting in Boston, the 10th day of April, 1706. 

The humble petition of John Campbell, Post Master of 
New England, sheweth ; — 

That whereas it has been usual for your Petitioner to 
have an annual allowance from the Province, the better to 
enable him to a faithful discharge of his office, in which he 
has now served three years and an half, and has only had 
one year and an half's allowance as yet granted him ; — and 
that your petitioner has already his petition lying before 
your Excellency and General Assembly, relating thereto, 
and to promoting the printing of the Weekly Intelli- 
gencer ; * — your Petitioner, therefore, most humbly prays 
that your Excellency and this Great and General Assem- 
bly, will be pleased to take the same into your mature and 
wise consideration. 

And your Petitioner, as in duty bound, shall ever pray ; 
being always 

Your Excellency's and Honour's, 

most humble, obedient 

and faithful servant, 

John Campbell. 

* [Reference is here made to The Boston News-Letter, a paper published by John 
Campbell ; the first in the English Colonies, throughout the extensive Continent of 
North America. It was commenced April 24th, 1704; was printed by Bartholo- 
mew Green, and sold by Nicholas Boone, at his shop near the old Meeting- 
Hou3e. — Pub. Com.] 

Post Office Department. 67 

April llth, 1706, Read. 

12th, Resolved that the sum of twenty pounds be allowed 
and paid out of the public treasury to John Campbell, the 
petitioner, in consideration of his service in conveying of 
letters on her Majesty's service, by the weekly post, the 
last year ; and the like sum of twenty pounds for the said 
service the year current, ending the first day of July next. 

Sent up for concurrence. 

Thomas Oakes, Speaker. 

April 12th, 1706. In Council. Read and voted a con- 
currence to the first twenty pounds for the year past ; the 
other twenty pounds referred to consideration the next ses- 
sion ; the year not being up. 

Is. Addington, Secretary. 


To his Excellency Joseph Dudley, Esq., Captain General 
and Governour in Chief in and over her Majesty's prov- 
ince of the Massachusetts Bay in New England, &c, 
and to the Honourable her Majesty's Council, and the 
House of Representatives convened in General Assem- 
bly, and now sitting in Boston, the 29th day of May, 

The humble petition of John Campbell, Post Master of 
New England, sheweth — 

That whereas it has been usual for your petitioner to 
have an annual allowance from this Province, the better to 
enable him to a faithful discharge of his post, (seeing the 
proprietor thereof is not able by the income of said office, 
which is less than the necessary charge, to give him any 
tolerable salary, proportionable to the trouble and charge 
ttending it,) in which he has now served three years and 
ine months, and has had only two years and an half allow- 
nce paid him : — 

And that your Petitioner, for a public good, above two 
ears ago, has been at the cost and charge to print a week- 
y Letter of Intelligence, of both foreign and domestic 
ccurrences, which was set at a more moderate price than 

68 Post Office Department. 

it was in some part of England, notwithstanding the charge 
here is above four times dearer than it would cost there ; 
yet your Petitioner has not had sufficient encouragement 
to defray the necessary charges thereof. 

Your Petitioner, therefore, most humbly prays that your 
Excellency and this Great and General Assembly will be 
pleased to take the same into your most mature and wise 
consideration, so as to enable your Petitioner to a faithful 
discharge of both trusts. 

And your Petitioner, as in duty bound, shall ever pray ; 
being always 

Your Excellency's and Honours' 

most humble, obedient 

and faithful servant, 

John Campbell. 

In Council, June 14, 1706. Read and sent down. 

July 23, 1706. In the House of Representatives, read. 

October 28, 1706. Read. 

In the House of Representatives, October 30, 1706. 

Resolved, that the sum of thirty pounds be allowed and 
paid out of the public treasury to Mr. John Campbell, the 
petitioner, in full for his service to the Public unto this day. 

Thomas Oakes, Speaker. 

In Council. Die predict. 

Read and concurred. 

Is. Addlngton, Secretary. 

Committee for the Post Office. 

November 3d, 1708. In Council. 

Ordered, that John Foster, Andrew Belcher, and Edward 
Bromfield, with such as shall be named by the Represent- 
atives, be a Committee to inspect and examine into the 
rates taken in the Post Office, for letters : — to consider of 
the alteration of the day of the post coming in ; and what 

Post Office Department. 69 

allowance may be meet to be made by the public for en- 
couragement of the office ; and report the same. 

Is. Addingtojn - , Secretary. 

Sent down for concurrence. 

In the House of Representatives. 

November 4th, 1708. Read and concurred ; and that 
John Clark, Esq., Captain Charles Chambers, Mr. Nathan- 
iel Blagrove, Mr. William Denison, and Captain Thomas 
Hutchinson, be a Committee to join in the affair abovesaid. 

Thomas Oliver, Speaker. 


Memorandum. To his Excellency the Governour, from John 
Campbell, Post Master of New England. 

Boston, November 18, 1709. 
Eight years ago, Col. Hamilton, upon the death of the 
former Post Master, wrote to me to take upon me the 
management of the Post Offices ; and by a letter to your 
Excellency for approbation, which was granted, I took it. 
Six months after I represented to the General Assembly 
that I could not serve, the salary was so small. Upon 
which, two Gentlemen of the upper house, (who are still 
of the same,) were ordered to confer with me about it ; 
whose opinion then was, (if they have not forgot it,) to 
allow me forty pounds per annum. Several then, of the 
lower house, were for allowing thirty pounds. Some were 
for advancing the price of the postage ; which I was not 
for condescending to. However, the lower house allowed 
twenty pounds, which was paid until three years ago. 
[Since which] I have had no allowance. The being of a 
Post Office saves the Country above £150 per annum ; which 
they must needs pay for expresses, besides what they do 
if there were no Post Office. The public letters I have 
passed free, yearly, upon the usual allowance, was to a 
great deal more than was paid me ; besides the charge of 
weekly sending your Excellency's letters to Roxbury, in 
times of snow or rain. The Queen will not augment the 
charge of the office to what it was in Col. Hamilton's time. 

70 Post Office Department. 

She is now at above two hundred pounds sterling charges 
yearly, to support it between New Hampshire and Penn- 
sylvania, above 500 miles ; and, had the several officers 
half salary allowed them, it would cost her Majesty above 
a hundred pounds sterling more. 

And since the Post Master is denied his usual allowance, 
it is but just the public letters for the time past should 
be paid for, and the Post Master for sending your Excel- 
lency's letters to Roxbury ; and, for the time to come, a 
proper method taken about conveying your Excellency's 
letters. And if this is denied the Post Master, he must, 
of necessity, represent it to the Post Master General of 
Great Britain, &c, which he has forborne to do these three 
years past, being put in hope by several that the General 
Court would prevent it. 

November 18, 1709. In Council. Read and recom- 


Copy of a letter from Frankland and Evelyn to Col. Hamilton. 

General Post Office, February 20, 1716. 

Colonel Hamilton, 

We herewith send you the Resolutions of the House of 
Commons, on the rates of postage proposed for the con- 
veyance of inland and foreign letters, whereby you will 
observe the rates for the letters to be conveyed through her 
Majesty's several dominions and governments on the Con- 
tinent of America. We have sent you a dozen setts, that 
you may send one to the Governours of her Majesty's several 
Plantations and Colonies, that they may communicate the 
same to the respective Councils of State, to inform them of 
the Act that is likely to pass thereupon in Parliament. We 
send these by Colonel Nicholson ; and are 
Your affectionate friends, 

Tho. Frankland, 

J. Evelyn. 
Col. Hamilton, at New York. 

Post Office Department. 71 


Votes of the House of Commons. 

Mercurij 14. die Feb. 1710. 

The orders of the day being read. 

Resolved, That this House will, upon Tuesday Morn- 
ing next, at Eleven a Clock, resolve itself into a Com- 
mittee of the whole House, to consider farther of the 
Bill for the better preventing Bribery and Corruption, and 
other undue Practices in Elections of Members to serve in 

Ordered, That the Committee of Privileges and Elections 
be discharged from Hearing any more Causes this Session, 
than the four next Elections, besides the Election for the 
County of Northumberland. 

A Petition of the Minister, Church-wardens, and seve- 
ral other Inhabitants of Greenwich, in the County of Kent, 
in behalf of themselves and others, poor Parishioners 
there, was presented to the House, and read, praying, 
That the Sum of 6000Z. or what other Sum the House shall 
think fit, for rebuilding the Church of Greenwich, the Roof 
whereof lately fell down, (which so shattered the Walls, 
that the whole must be rebuilt) may be assigned for the 
Relief of the Petitioners. 

Ordered, That the said Petition be referred to a Com- 
mittee, and that they do examine the Matter thereof, and 
report the same to the House. 

And a Committee was accordingly appointed. 

Ordered, That it be an instruction to the said Committee, 
That they do enquire what Moneys remain in the Hands 
of the Commissioners for building- the Church of St. Paul's; 
And that they do consider what the Produce of the Duties 
in Being may amount to, for the time to come, and make 
an Estimate what will be necessary for finishing and adorn- 
ing the said Church, and other the Purposes in the Acts 
mentioned for building the Cathedral Church of St. Paul's, 
and report the same to the House. 

Ordered, That it be an Instruction to the said Committee, 
That they do consider what Churches are wanting within 
the Cities of London and Westminster, and Suburbs thereof. 

12 Post Office Department. 

Ordered, That the Report from the Committee who were 
appointed to enquire upon what Invitation or Encourage- 
ment the Palatines came over, and what Moneys were 
expended in bringing them into Britain, and for maintain- 
ing them here, and by whom paid, be received upon Tuesday 
Morning next. 

Mr. Conyers (according to Order) reported from the 
Committee of the whole House, who were to consider 
farther of Ways and Means for raising the Supply granted 
to Her Majesty, the Resolutions they had directed him to 
report to the House ; and he read the same in his Place, 
and afterwards delivered them in at the Table, where they 
were read, and agreed unto by the House, and are as 
follows, viz. 

Resolved, That towards raising the Supply granted to 
Her Majesty, Her Majesty's Revenues, both Inland and 
Foreign, to arise in the General Letter-Office, or Post- 
Office, or the Office of Post-Master General, be increased. 

Resolved, That the said Increase be made, by adding 
One Penny to the present Rate of Two Pence, for every 
single Letter, carried within 80 English Miles distance 
from London, and by adding proportionable Rates for 
double and treble Letters and Pacquets, carried the same 

Resolved, That the said Increase be also made, by adding 
One Penny to the present Rate of Three Pence for every 
single Letter carried in England, above 80 such Miles from 
London, or to the town of Berwick upon Tweed, and by 
adding proportionable Rates for double and treble Letters 
and Pacquets so carried. 

Resolved, That the said Increase be likewise made, by 
adding One Penny to the present Rates of Three Pence 
and Two Pence, payable for Letters, passing between 
London and Edinburgh, or between London and Dumfreize, 
or Cockburn-Speth, and by adding proportionable Rates 
for double and treble Letters and Pacquets so carried. 

Resolved, That the said Increase be made, by establish- 
ing a Rate of Four Pence (in lieu of the present Rates,) 
for every single Letter carried any Length in Scotland, 
being above 80 Miles distance from Edinburgh, and by 
settling proportionable Rates for double and treble Letters 
and Pacquets so carried; and that the present Rates for 

Post Office Department. 73 

carrying Letters in Scotland, to and from Edinburgh, within 
80 Miles distance thereof, be continued as they are now. 

Resolved, That the present Rates for carrying of Letters 
and Pacquets, in respect to Ireland, be continued. 

Resolved, That the said Revenue be increased, by 
Settling a Rate of One Penny, for every Letter or Pacquet, 
directed on Board, or brought from any Ship or Vessel, 
Riding or stopping in any of Her Majesty's Harbours or 

Resolved, That all Letters and Pacquets, passing or 
repassing by the Carriage, usually called the Penny-Post, 
within eight English Miles from London, do pay after the 
Rate of Three Half-Pence. 

Resolved, That all Letters and Pacquets, conveyed or 
re-conveyed in the Cross-Roads, and all By or Way Letters 
and Pacquets, do pay the same Rates, in Proportion to the 
Distances of the Places to which they shall be directed 
from the places at which they shall be put in, as Letters 
and Pacquets, conveyed and re-conveyed on the several 
Great Roads, are rated to pay. 

Resolved, That all Letters and Pacquets coming from 
any Part of France to London (in lieu of the present Rates) 
do pay Ten-pence for every single Letter, One Shilling 
and Eight-pence for every double Letter, Two Shillings 
and Six-pence for every treble Letter, and Three Shillings 
and Four-pence for every Ounce. 

Resolved, That all Letters and Pacquets passing from 
London through France, to any Part of Spain or Portugal 
(Port paid to Bayonne) and from Spain and Portugal through 
France to London, do pay One Shilling and Six-pence for 
every single Letter, Three Shillings for every double Letter, 
Four Shillings and Six-pence for every treble Letter, and 
Six Shillings for every Ounce. 

Resolved, That all Letters and Pacquets passing from 
London through France, to any part of Italy or Sicily, by 
the Way of Lyons, or to any Part of Turkey, by the Way 
of Marcelia ; and from any of those Parts through France 
to London (in lieu of the present Rates) do pay One Shil- 
ling and Three-pence for every single Letter, Two Shillings 
and Six-pence for every double Letter, Three Shillings 
and Nine-pence for every treble Letter, and Five Shillings 
for every Ounce. 

74 Post Office Department. 

Resolved, That all Letters and Pacquets coming from 
any Part of the Spanish-Netherlands unto London (in' lieu 
of the present Rates) do pay Ten-pence for every single 
Letter, One Shilling and Eight-pence for every double 
Letter, Two Shillings and Six-pence for every treble Letter, 
and Three Shillings and Four-pence for every Ounce. 

Resolved, That all Letters and Pacquets passing from 
London through the Spanish-Netherlands to any Part of Italy 
or Sicily, (Port paid to Antwerp) and from any Part of Italy 
or Sicily, through the Spanish-Netherlands to London, (in 
lieu of the present Rates) do pay . One Shilling for every 
single Letter, Two Shillings for every double Letter, 
Three Shillings for every treble Letter, and Four Shillings 
for every Ounce. 

Resolved, That all Letters and Pacquets passing from 
London through the Spanish-Netherlands, to any Part of 
Germany, Switzerland, Denmark, Sweden, and all Parts of 
the North, and from any of those Parts through the Spanish- 
Netherlands unto London, (in lieu of the present Rates) do 
pay One Shilling for every single Letter, Two Shillings 
for every double Letter, Three Shillings for every treble 
Letter, and Four Shillings for every Ounce. 

Resolved, that all Letters and Pacquets passing from 
London through the Spanish-Netherlands, to any Part of 
Spain or Portugal, and from any part of Spain or Portugal 
through the Spanish- Netherlands unto London, (in lieu of 
the present Rates) do pay One Shilling and Six-pence for 
every single Letter, Three Shillings for every double 
Letter, Four Shillings and Six-pence for every treble Letter, 
and Six Shillings for every Ounce. 

Resolved, That all Letters and Pacquets coming from 
any Part of the United- Provinces unto London (in lieu of the 
present Rates) do pay Ten-pence for every single Letter, 
One Shilling and Eight-pence for every double Letter, 
Two Shillings and Six-pence for every treble" Letter, and 
Three Shillings and Four-pence for every Ounce. 

Resolved, That all Letters and Pacquets passing from 
London through the United- Provinces, for any Part of Italy 
or Sicily, and from any Part of Italy or Sicily through the 
United- Provinces unto London, (in lieu of the present Rates) 
do pay One Shilling for every single Letter, Two Shillings 
for every double Letter, Three Shillings for every treble 
Letter, and Four Shillings for every Ounce. 

Post Office Department. 75 

Resolved, That all Letters and Pacquets passing from 
London through the United- Provinces, to any Part of Ger- 
many, Switzerland, Denmark, Sweden, and all Parts of the 
North, and from any of those Parts and Places through the 
United- Provinces unto London, (in lieu of the present Rates) 
do pay One Shilling for every single Letter, Two Shillings 
for every double Letter, Three Shillings for every treble 
Letter, and Four Shillings for every Ounce. 

Resolved, That all Letters and Pacquets passing from 
London through the United Provinces, unto any part of 
Spain or Portugal, and from any part of Spain or Portugal, 
through the United- Provinces unto London, (in lieu of the 
present Rates) do pay One Shilling and Six-pence for every 
single Letter, Three Shillings for every double Letter, 
Four Shillings and Six-pence for every treble Letter, and 
Six Shillings for every Ounce. 

Resolved, That all Letters and Pacquets passing from 
London through the Spanish-Netherlands or the United- 
Provinces, to Hamburgh, (Port paid to Antwerp or Amster- 
dam) and from Hamburgh through the Spanish- Netherlands 
or the United-Provinces unto London, (in lieu of the present 
Rates) do pay Ten-pence for every single Letter, One 
Shilling and Eight-pence for every double Letter, Two 
Shillings and Six-pence for every treble Letter, and Three 
Shillings and Four-pence for every Ounce. 

Resolved, That all Letters and Pacquets passing between 
London, Spain, or Portugal, by Pacquet-Boats, shall pay 
One Shilling and Six-pence the single Letter, Three Shil- 
lings the double Letter, Four Shillings and Six-pence the 
treble Letter, and Six Shillings for every Ounce. 

Resolved, That all Letters and Pacquets from London to 
Jamaica, Barbadoes, Antegoa, Montserat, Nevis and St. 
Christophers, in America, and from any of those places to 
London, do pay the present Rates of One Shilling and 
Six-pence for every single Letter, Three Shillings for every 
double Letter, Four Shillings and Six-pence for every treble 
Letter, and Six Shillings for every Ounce. 

Resolved, That all Letters and Pacquets from London to 
New- York, in North- America, and thence to London, do pay 
the present Rates of One Shilling for every single Letter, 
Two Shillings for every double Letter, Three Shillings for 
every treble Letter, and Four Shillings for every Ounce. 

76 Post Office Department. 

Resolved, That all Letters and Pacquets from any Part 
of the West-Indies to New- York, do pay Four-pence for 
every single Letter, Eight Pence for every double Letter, 
Twelve Pence for every treble Letter, and One Shilling 
and Four-pence for every Ounce. 

, Resolved, That all Letters and Pacquets from New- York, 
to any Places within 60 English Miles thereof, and thence 
back to New- York, do pay Four Pence for every single 
Letter, Eight Pence for every double Letter, One Shilling 
for every treble Letter, and One Shilling and Four-pence 
for every Ounce. 

Resolved, That all Letters and Pacquets from New-York 
to Perth- Amboy, the chief Town in East New-Jersey, and to 
Bridlington, the chief Town in West New- Jersey, and from 
each of those Places back to New-York, and from New- 
York to any Place not exceeding 100 English Miles, and 
from each of those Places to New- York, do pay Six Pence 
for every single Letter, One Shilling for every double Let- 
ter, Eighteen Pence for every treble Letter, and Two 
Shillings for every Ounce. 

Resolved, That all Letters and Pacquets from Perth- 
Amboy and Bridlington, to any Place not exceeding 60 
English Miles, and thence back again, do pay Four Pence 
for every single Letter, Eight Pence for every double Letter, 
One Shilling for every treble Letter, and One Shilling and 
Four Pence for every Ounce. 

Resolved,That all Letters and Pacquets from Perth- Amboy 
and Bridlington, to any Place not- exceeding 100 English 
Miles, and thence back again, do pay Six Pence for every 
single Letter, One Shilling for every double Letter, Eigh- 
teen Pence for every treble Letter, and Two Shillings for 
every Ounce. 

Resolved, That all Letters and Pacquets from New- York 
to New- London, the chief Office in Connecticut, in New- 
England, and to Philadelphia, the Chief Town- in Pennsyl- 
vania, and from those Places back to New- York, do pay 
Nine Pence for every single Letter, Eighteen Pence for 
every double Letter, Two Shillings and Three-pence for 
every treble Letter, and Three Shillings for every Ounce. 

Resolved, That all Letters and Pacquets from New-Lon- 
don and Philadelphia, to any Place not exceeding 60 
English Miles, and thence back again, do pay Four Pence 

Post Office Department. 11 

for every single Letter, Eight Pence for every double Letter, 
One Shilling for every treble Letter, and One Shilling and 
Four Pence for every Ounce. 

Resolved, That all Letters and Pacquets from New- London 
and Philadelphia, to any place not exceeding 100 English 
Miles, and so back again, do pay Six Pence for every single 
Letter, One Shilling for every double Letter, Eighteen 
Pence for every treble Letter, and Two Shillings for every 

Resolved, That all Letters and Pacquets from Neio-York 
aforesaid, to Newport, the chief Town in Rhode-Island, and 
Providence-Plantation in New-England, and to Boston, the 
chief Town in Massachusetts-Bay in New-England aforesaid, 
and to Portsmouth, the chief Town in New-Hampshire in 
New-England aforesaid, and to Annapolis, the chief Town 
in Maryland, and from every of those Places to New- York, 
do pay One Shilling for every single Letter, Two Shillings 
for every double Letter, Three Shillings for every treble 
Letter, and Four Shillings for every Ounce. 

Resolved, That all Letters and Pacquets from Newport, 
Boston, Portsmouth, and Annapolis aforesaid, to any Place 
not exceeding 60 English Miles, and thence back again, 
do pay Four-pence for every single Letter, Eight-pence 
for every double Letter, One Shilling for every treble Let- 
ter, and One Shilling and Four-pence for every Ounce. 

Resolved, That all Letters and Pacquets from Newport, 
Boston, Portsmouth, and Annapolis aforesaid, to any Place 
not exceeding 100 English Miles, and thence back again, 
do pay Six-pence for every single Letter, One Shilling for 
every double Letter, Eighteen-pence for every treble Let- 
ter, and Two Shillings for every Ounce. 

Resolved, That all Letters and Pacquets from New- York 
aforesaid, to the Chief Offices in Salem, and Ipswich, and 
to the Chief Office in Piscataway, and to Williamsburgh, 
the Chief Office in Virginia, and from every of those Places 
to New- York, do pay One Shilling and Three-pence for 
every single Letter, Two Shillings and Six-pence for every 
double Letter, Three Shillings and Nine-pence for every 
treble Letter, and Five Shillings for everv Ounce. 

Resolved, That all Letters and Pacquets from the Chief 
Offices in Salem, Ipswich, Piscataway, and Williamsburgh 
aforesaid^ to any Place not exceeding 60 English Miles, 


78 Post Office Department. 

and thence back again, do pay Four-pence for every single 
Letter, Eight-pence for every double Letter, One Shilling 
for every treble Letter, and One Shilling and Four-pence 
for every Ounce. 

Resolved, That all Letters and Pacquets from the said 
Chief Offices in Salem, Ipswich, Piscataway, and Williams- 
burgh aforesaid, to any Place not exceeding 100 English 
Miles, and thence back again, do pay Six-pence for every 
single Letter, One Shilling for every double Letter, Eigh- 
teen-pence for every treble Letter, and Two Shillings for 
every Ounce. 

Resolved, That all Letters and Pacquets from New- York 
aforesaid, to Charles-Town, the Chief Town in North and 
South Carolina, and from Charles-Town aforesaid to New- 
York, do pay Eigh teen-pence for every single Letter, 
Three Shillings for every double Letter, Four Shillings 
and Six-pence for every treble Letter, and Six Shillings 
for every Ounce. 

Resolved, That all Letters and Pacquets from Charles- 
Town aforesaid, to any Place not exceeding 60 English 
Miles, and thence back again, do pay Four-pence for every 
single Letter, Eight-pence for every double Letter, One 
Shilling for every treble Letter, and One Shilling and Four- 
pence for every Ounce. 

Resolved, That all Letters and Pacquets from Charles- 
Tovm aforesaid, to any Place not exceeding 100 English 
Miles, and thence back again, do pay Six-pence for every 
single Letter, One Shilling for every double Letter, Eigh- 
teen-pence for every treble Letter, and Two Shillings for 
every Ounce. 

Resolved, That all Letters and Pacquets to be conveyed 
by the Post to or from Donashadee, or some other conve- 
nient Port in Ireland, to Port Patrick, or some other 
convenient Port in that Part of Great-Britain called Scot- 
land, over and above the Inland Rates aforesaid, do pay 
Two-pence for every single Letter, Four-pence for every 
double Letter, Six-pence for every treble Letter, and 
Eight-pence for every Ounce. 

Resolved, That the Post Master General, and his Depu- 
ties, do take the same Rates for furnishing Horses and 
Furniture to Persons Riding Post, according to the former 
Act : But if he or they will furnish any Person to ride 

Post Office Department. 79 

Post, without Guide and Horn, he and his Deputies may, 
in that Case, take Four-pence per Mile (in lieu of the 
present Rates of Three-pence for each Horse per Mile.) 
And if the Poster will ride with a Guide, then such Guide 
to have Six-pence for the whole Stage he rides, instead of 
Four-pence allowed by the former Act. 

Resolved, That the former Acts made in England and 
Scotland, relating to the Post Office, be repealed; and 
that in lieu thereof, one General Act be made for Estab- 
lishing a General Post Office for Great- Britain, and other 
Her Majesty's Dominions, and for Foreign Parts. 

Ordered, That a Bill be brought in upon the said Reso- 
lutions, and that Mr. Conyers, Mr. Chancellor of the 
Exchequer, Sir Thomas Powys, Mr. Attorney General, Mr. 
Solicitor General, and Mr. Lownds, do prepare and bring 
in the same. 

The House (according to Order) resolved itself into a 
Committee of the whole House, to consider farther of the 
Supply granted to Her Majesty; And after some time 
spent therein, Mr. Speaker resumed the Chair, and Mr. 
Conyers reported from the Committee, That they had come 
to a Resolution, which they had directed him to report, 
when the House will please to receive the same. 

Ordered, That the Report be received to Morrow 7 Morn- 

Mr. Conyers also acquainted the House, That he was 
directed by the Committee to move that they may have 
Leave to sit again. 

Resolved, That this House will, upon Monday Morning 
next, resolve itself into a Committee of the whole House, 
to consider farther of the Supply granted to Her Majesty. 

Ordered, That the Committee of Privileges and Elections, 
and all other Committes, which were to set this Afternoon, 
be adjourned. 

And then the House adjourned till to Morrow Morning, 
Nine a Clock. 

By Virtue of an Order of the House of Commons, I do 
appoint Samuel Keble and Henry Clements to Print these 
Votes; And that no other Person presume to Print the same. 

W. Bromley, Speaker. 

80 Post Office Department. 


John Campbell's petition. 

To his Excellency Joseph Dudley, Esq., Captain General 
and Governour in chief in and over her Majesty's Province 
of the Massachusetts Bay in New England, &c, and to 
the Honourable her Majesty's Council, at Boston, May 
the 24th, 1711. 

The humble petition of John Campbell, Post Master of 
New England. 

Sheweth, — that it has been usual for your petitioner to 
have an annual allowance from this Province for his care 
and trouble about the public letters, and especially for 
forwarding your Excellency's letters every week to Ilox- 
bury ; which allowance was granted by the General 
Court, in addition to the small salary he had to uphold 
the said office, which the Queen is not willing yet to 
augment, in regard that the incomes of the Post Office 
General in America are not able to defray the necessary 
charge of the same ; which allowance has not been grant- 
ed to your petitioner these four years and six months past, 
notwithstanding he has taken due care of forwarding the 
public letters, and every year addressed your Excellency 
and Honourable Council and Assembly for the said allow- 
ance, which ought not only to be granted on the aforesaid 
consideration, but also for his trouble and care in setting 
up a public Intelligence weekly, found of great benefit 
and advantage, on several accounts, to the public ; the 
charge and trouble whereof is very considerable, and in- 
come very small, seeing he cannot vend two hundred and 
fifty copies of one impression. 

Your petitioner, therefore, humbly prays, that seeing 
the General Court has hitherto taken no cognizance of his 
petition, and that he has now laid before your Excellency 
and Council his account of the public letters, and sending 
your Excellency's letters to Roxbury every week; your 
Excellency and Council will be pleased to take the same 
into your most mature and wise consideration, not only to 
grant and order the payment of the said account, but also 

Post Office Department. 81 

a further encouragement on consideration of the public 

And your Petioner, as in duty bound shall ever pray ; 
being always 

Your Excellency's and Honours' 

most humble, obedient 

and faithful servant, 

John Campbell. 


To his Excellency Joseph Dudley, Esq., Captain General 
and Governour in chief of her Majesty's Province of the 
Massachusetts Bay in New England, and to the Honour- 
able her Majesty's Council, and the House of Kepre- 
sentatives convened in general Assembly, and now 
sitting in Boston, the 17th day of October, 1711. 

The humble petition of John Campbell, Post Master of 
New England, Sheweth ; — 

That whereas your Petitioner has had a yearly allow- 
ance from this government the better to enable him to 
discharge his trust in the management of the said Office, 
and taking due care of the public letters ; which saves 
this Colony considerable in a year. 

, Your Petitioner has also set on foot a weekly Letter of 
Intelligence, at his own cost and charge, for foreign and 
domestic occurrences ; which has been found of public use 
and service on several accounts, particularly to prevent a 
great many false reports. 

And, notwithstanding your Petitioner has annually pre- 
sented his petition to the General Court for his allowance, 
he has had none these five years past, nor yet any allow- 
ance to encourage the carrying on the Intelligence ; he 
has herewith presented his account. 

And seeing God in his providence has been pleased, by 
the late awful fire in Boston, to deprive your petitioner, 
not only of his houses lately re-edified, but of his Printing 
house, press, and the greater pa A t of his letters, house- 

82 Post Office Department. 

hold goods, &c, and being also indebted to his several 
workmen : * 

Your Petitioner, therefore, humbly prays that your 
Excellency and this great and general Assembly will be 
pleased to take the premises into your most mature and 
wise consideration, and grant your Petitioner his account, 
and what further encouragement seemeth you meet, to 
enable your Petitioner to a faithful discharge of his post, 
and carrying on the Intelligence, which the small incomes 
thereof are not able to countervail the charge. 

And your petitioner, as in duty bound, shall ever pray; 
being always 

Your Excellency's and Honours' 

most humble, most obedient 

and faithful servant, 

John Campbell. 

October 19, 1711. In Council, read and sent down, with 
a recommendation to the House for allowance of the Peti- 
tioner's account to this time of £142. 3. 11. 

In the House of Representatives. October 19, 1711, Read. 
Nov. 6, Read and committed. — March 18, Read. 


In the Boston News Letter No. 557 from December 13th to Decem- 
ber 20, 1714, Mr. Campbell publishes the following. 

By order of the Post Master General of North America. 

These are to give notice that on monday night last, the 
sixth of this instant December, the western post between 
Boston and New York, set out for once a fortnight the three 
winter months of December, January, and February, and 
to go alternately from Boston to Saybrook and Hartford, 
to exchange the mail of letters with the New York rider. 

* [For a particular account of this destructive fire the publishing Committee 
refer to No. 391 of the Boston News Letter, October 9, 1711 (Mr. Campbell's paper.) 
to the Collections of the Massachusetts Historical Society, first series, Vol. III. p. 
269 ; IV. 211. and in V. 02, a circumstantial and affecting narrative. — The Post 
Office, and Allen's printing house were consumed in the conflagration. The 
following week the News Letter was again printed at Green's printing house in 
Newbury street, with this imprint, (t Boston : printed in Newbury street, for John 
Campbell, Post Master."] 

Post Office Department. 83 

The first turn for Saybrook to meet the New York rider 
on Saturday night last, the 13th current. The second 
turn he sets out at Boston on Monday night, the 20th 
current, to meet the New York rider at Hartford, Saturday 
night the 25th current, to exchange mails. 

All persons that send letters from Boston to Connecti- 
cut, from and after the 15th instant, are hereby notified 
first to pay the postage of the same. 

The western post comes not in till Saturday next. 


\ Public notice given by John Campbell, Post Master, in the 
Boston News Letter, No. 574, April 18th, 1715. 

Complaint being made to the Deputy Post Master Gen- 
eral of New England, by several Gentlemen, merchants 
and others, of sundry persons going on board Vessels at 
their arrival in the port of Boston, and taking up their 
letters, pretending to deliver the same on shore according 
to their respective directions ; and others pretending to 
carry them to the Post Office; — instead of which, the said 
letters are long detained from the owners; several often 
I lost, and never delivered ; others embezzled and opened; 
I to the great loss and prejudice of the merchants by the defi- 
ciency of their correspondence and discovery of their secrets. 

To prevent which great abuse for the future, notice is 
[hereby given unto all masters and Passengers, arriving in 
lany port in New England, carefully to observe the direc- 
tions of the Act of Parliament made for establishing a 
[Post Office in all his Majesty's dominions; — which words 
[are to this purpose — " that all Masters and Passengers on 
[their arrival, do forthwith deliver all such letters as they 
[shall have, only at the Post Office, unto the Post Master 
lor his Deputy, upon pain of forfeiting five pounds British 
Imoney for every such offence in delivering any letters to 
|any other. Upon which delivery the Master is to receive 
a penny for every such letter, signing a certificate to the 
Post Master or Deputy of the number of letters delivered, 
the time when, and the vessel's name they came by." 

It is also provided in the same Act, on the like penalty 
of H\e pounds, that no person or persons whatsoever shall 

84 Post Office Department. 

convey, carry, recarry or deliver any letters other than 
the Post Master or his Deputy. 

And any who shall for the future inform against the 
person or persons that go on board vessels to take up any 
person or persons letters, to detain the delivery of the same, 
shall be not only entitled to the penalty granted by law 
against such a person, but be likewise sufficiently rewarded. 

And for the benefit and advantage of merchants and 
others, it is thought very proper for every Master (as it has 
been usual) to make a fair alphabetical list of the names 
and number of letters in his bags ; which list hung up at 
the Office door, would soon resolve any persons if they had 
any letters by such a ship. And such [Master as cannot 
conveniently come with his bag of letters to the Office, 
may seal the same with the said list in it, and send it by 
one of his servants ; which Master, on demand, shall be 
paid for each letter at his coming to the Office ; as also 
immediately to his servant as each Master shall direct. 


From the Boston News Letter, No. 577. May 2, 1715. 

Had the undertaker any suitable encouragement either 
by salary, or any tolerable number to take the Intelli- 
gence by the year, he would have printed a sheet weekly, 
to foward the intelligence. But since he has not, he must 
do the best he can. 


[In 1718, Campbell was removed from the Post Office; 
and the Pvight Honourable the Post Master General in 
England named Mr. Philip Musgrave to succeed him : but 
the appointment itself being assigned to Andrew Hamilton, 
Esq., Deputy Post Master General for North America, 
on the 13th of September, 1718, he placed Mr. William 
Brooker in the office. 

In the News Letter of March 7, 1728, is this obituary 
notice; " on Monday evening last, the 4th current, about 
eight o'clock, died here John Campbell, Esq. age 75 
years ; formerly Post Master of this place, publisher of 

Post Office Department. 85 

the Boston News Letter for many years, and one of his 
majesty's justices of peace for the County of Suffolk." 

In 1725, Henry Marshall was appointed Post Master. 
Pub. Com.] 


To the Honourable William Dumrner, Esq., Lieutenant 
Governour and Commander in Chief, the Honourable the 
Council and House of Representatives for the Province 
of the Massachusetts Bay in New England, in General 
Court assembled at Boston, the 22nd day of November, 

The Memorial of Henry Marshall, Post Master, residing 
at Boston, aforesaid — 

Humbly sheweth, That whereas your Memorialist hath 
kept the said office for two years past, or thereabout, and 
hath at all times taken care of the public letters belonging 
to the Government, for which service his predecessors, as 
he has been informed, used to be paid by order of the 
General Assembly ; but the memorialist having never yet 
received any thing, and the other governments on the 
Continent making an allowance for services of the like 
nature ; he, therefore, most humbly prays your Honours, 
that you will be pleased to allow him for his said service 
what in your great wisdom you shall see fit. 

And as in duty bound, the memorialist shall ever pray. 

H. Marshall. 

In the House of Representatives, December 2nd, 1727. 
Read and committed to the Committee for petitions. 

The Committee having considered this memorial, are of 
opinion, that the sum of two pounds be allowed and paid 
out of the public treasury to Henry Marshall for his past 
service in taking care of the public letters ; and that here- 
after a particular account of service of the like nature be 
laid before this Court, before any thing be allowed there- 

John Quincy, per order. 

86 Post Office Department. 

In the House of Representatives, January 4th, 1727. Read 
and accepted, and resolved that the sum of forty shillings 
be allowed and paid out of the public treasury to the 
Memorialist, Henry Marshall, for his past service in taking 
care of the public letters ; and that hereafter a particular 
account of his service of the like nature be laid before this 
Court, before any allowance be made therefor. 
Sent up for concurrence. 

William Dudley, Speaker. 

In Council. January 5, 1727. Read and concurred. 

J. Willard, Secretary. 

Consented to. 

William Dummer. 


Secretary's certificate relating to Head Lynch, Esq. 

Province of the Massachusetts Bay. 

These are to certify whom it may concern, that there is 
delivered into my hands a Bond, or obligation, under the 
hands and seals of Ellis Huske and William Pepperrell, 
Esq. in the sum of five hundred pounds sterling, to be paid 
to Head Lynch, Esq. deputy Post Master General of North 
America, in case the said Ellis Huske shall not faithfully 
discharge the Office of Deputy Post Master of Boston, and 
the district thereto belonging, as particularly expressed in 
the said Bond. x 

J. Willard, Secretary. 

Boston, March 7, 1742-3. 


Establishment for a Carrier. 

In the House of Representatives, June 18th, 1760. 

Voted, That a carrier be employed to ride from Boston to 
Albany, and back again to Boston, once every fortnight, 
during the present campaign, to carry the several public 
dispatches, that may be necessary to be sent. And, also, 

Post Office Department. ■ 87 

that the said carrier carry to and from the soldiers in the 
service of the Province, such letters as they may write 
home, and as may be sent to them. — And that such carrier 
be allowed for every such journey and duly performing 
the same, the sum of six pounds out of the public treasury. 
Sent up for concurrence. 

James Otis, Speaker. 

In Council, June 18, 1760. 

Read and concurred. 

A. Oliver, Secretary. 

Consented to. 

T. Hutchinson. 


Copy of a Letter from the Right Honourable the Earl of 
Halifax to his Excellency the Governour, dated St. James's, 
August llth, 1764. 


It being of great importance and advantage to his 
Majesty's service, and to the commercial interests and 
general convenience of his Majesty's subjects in North 
America, that the conveyance of letters by the Post should 
be facilitated and extended throughout the Colonies upon 
that extensive Continent, his Majesty's Post Master Gen- 
eral is concerting measures for those purposes : and, as it 
cannot be doubted but the Legislatures of the several 
Colonies will readily and cheerfully contribute to the suc- 
cess of a plan, from which they may expect to derive the 
benefit of a regular, safe, and speedy correspondence : — I 
am commanded to signify to you his Majesty's pleasure, 
that you should recommend it to the Assembly of the 
Colony under your government, to provide for the estab- 
lishment of ferries, and erecting proper buildings on the 
water side, wherever the same may be found necessary, 
that the Posts may meet with no delays or interruptions in 

His Majesty's Post Master General having also repre- 
sented that a Map of the Province under your Government, 

88 Post Office Department. 

with the present course of the Posts throughout the same 
clearly marked out, would be of great use to him in the 
present undertaking ; I am to desire that you will procure 
and transmit such a Map, together with a state of such 
alterations, as you apprehend to be wanting for the better 
regulation and improvement of the said Posts. And you 
will give your constant aid and support to the Post Masters, 
within your Government, in the execution of their office, 
which is so immediately calculated for the public benefit. 


Petition of David Hyde. 

To his Excellency Sir Francis Bernard, Baronet and Gov- 
ernor in Chief, the Honourable the Council, and House of 
Representatives in General Court assembled. 

The petition of David Hyde, of Boston, Post rider, hum- 
bly sheiueth, — 

That he was in the month of September last employed 
by the selectmen of Boston, to carry Expresses to the select- 
men of the other towns in this Province, relative to mat- 
ters of a public and important nature, which required the 
greatest dispatch ; he, therefore, thought himself obliged in 
faithfulness to his employers, to ride from Belchertown to 
Montague on the 18th of September, being Lord's day ; 
for which he was brought before the Honourable Court of 
Sessions for the County of Hampshire, convicted, and sen- 
tenced to pay a fine to the King of ten shillings, and had 
costs taxed at eighteen shillings, which with the expenses 
and loss of time, has been a considerable damage, as well 
as trouble to your petitioner. 

Your petitioner presumes not to make any reflections 
upon the treatment he has received ; but throws himself 
upon the favour of the Honourable Court, praying that his 
case may be considered, and such redress given, as to your 
Excellency and Honours may seem meet. And, as in duty 
bound, shall ever pray. David Hyde. 

Boston, July 1, 1769. 

Post Office Department. 89 

In the House of 'Representatives, July 13th, 1769. 

Resolved, that the sum of one pound eight shillings be 
allowed and paid out of the public treasury of this Prov- 
ince, to the petitioner, David Hyde, in full consideration of 
his extraordinary expenses in the foregoing petition men- 

Sent up for concurrence. 

F. Gushing, Speaker. 

In Council, July 13, 1769. Read and non-concurred. 

John Cotton, D. Secretary. 


Annals of Salem, p. 487. March 28, 1774. A commit- 
tee of correspondence in Salem receive a communication 
from a similar body in Boston, on the subject of establish- 
ing Post Offices and Post riders independent of Parliament. 

Ibid. p. 495. May 25, 1775. The Provincial Congress 
take the concerns of the Massachusetts Post Offices into 
their own hands. 


In Committee of Safety. 

Cambridge, April 28, 1775. 

Voted to recommend to the Colony Congress now sitting 
in Watertown, and it is recommended accordingly, to make 
an establishment for post riders between the Massachusetts 
forces and the town of Worcester ; also, that the said 
[Congress take such order as they may think proper, to 
prevent any town or district taking any notice of his 
Excellency General Gage's precepts for calling a general 
Assembly. William Cooper, Secretary. 





[There is a romance of History as well as a History of Romance. — 
To the former class, belong many incidents in the early periods of New 
England and its adjacent Colonies. — The following papers pertain to 
events of a similar order. They refer to two persons ; D' Aulney* and 
La Tour. These were individuals of respectable intellect and educa- 
tion, — of noble families and large fortune. While the first was a zealous 
and efficient supporter of the Romish Church, the second was less so, 
from his frequent connexion with others of a different faith. The scene 
of their immediate jurisdiction, their prominent actions, their exhibition 
of various passions and talents, their conquests and defeats, their career 
and end, as exerting an influence on their associates as well as them- 
selves, on other communities as well as their own, — was laid in Nova 
Scotia. This phrase then comprised a Territory vastly more extensive, 
than it does now, as a British Province. It embraced not only its present 
boundaries, which were long termed Acadie, but, also, about two thirds 
of the State of Maine. So large a district reached as far Westward as 
Kennebeck, or, as the parlance then was, to the Virginias. It was a 
portion of the domain claimed by the Court of St. Cloud and called 
New France. Its Latin etymology was derived from its being denomi- 
nated New Scotland, when granted to Sir William Alexander, in 1621, 
by James First of England, as a Palatinate of his maternal kingdom. 

The ensuing letters and documents, concerning the previous subject, 
are from the archives of Massachusetts. They appear either to have 
escaped the searching operation of Hutchinson, while collecting mate- 
rials for his History of this Province j or, if copies of them were taken 
by him, they were probably lost, when a mob threw his papers into the 
street and destroyed a large portion of them. It will be perceived, that 
they, like most of the compositions in their day, are not remarkable for 
polish and perspicuity of style. It will, also, be evident, that the French 
papers, which came to our hands in an English dress, retain too much 

* [Some communications, to and from Aulney, are spelt Aulnay, having the 
vowel a, in the last syllable instead of e. Others have Aunay, leaving out the 
consonant, I. This mode of orthography is retained by Dictionnaire Historique par 
Chaudon et Delandine. Winthrop, Hubbard, Hutchinson, Hazard and others have 
Aulney. This American method of writing the name, will be adopted in the sub- 
sequent pages. Pub. Com.] 

D'Aulney and La Tour. 91 

of their own idiom, and thereby read heavily. Two of the letters, — III 
and X, — one in French and the other in Latin, were found untranslated, 
but are here presented in our language. Pub. Com.'] 


We, Charles De Menou, Knight, Lord of Aulney, 
Lieutenant General for the King in all the coasts of 
Acadie, under the charge of my Lord, the most eminent 
Cardinal Duke of Richelieu, great Master, Chief and 
Superintendent General of the Navigation and Commerce 
of France, having judged meet for the service of his 
Majesty of my said Lord, and for the advancement of the 
French Colonies, to send unto our habitation of La Heve, 
one of our Barques of the burthen of twenty four tons, 
and therein to place a faithful person, as well to com- 
mand as for to receive the merchandize of trade, which we 
will to be delivered unto him by the commissioner of the 
said place, from thence to go to Campseau,* the Bay of 
Island, — and further so far as our power doth extend to 
trade and hold commerce with savages, and during the 
said voyage to employ themselves unto fishing of Cod for 
the aliment and nourishment of Colonies of the said 
Country. For these causes, upon the confidence which 
we have in the person of Pilot Mutton, of his capacity and 
experience in sea affairs, and of the faithfulness, manners 
and wisdom of the above said, we have ordained, com- 
mitted and deputed, and do ordain, commit and depute for 
Master and Commander in the said Barque, and to take 
such merchandise as shall be unto him delivered by the 
commissioner of the said La Heve, according unto the 
invoice, which hath been unto him given, concerning the 
said trade and fishing, and this being done, to return unto 
us unto Port Royal, to give unto us a faithful account of 
his voyage. We, also, give in charge unto all his com- 
pany, that they yield obedience unto him under the said 
quality, as unto our own person, upon pain of contrary 
walking unto the ordinances of his Majesty. We, also, 
pray all Lieutenant Generals, Sea Captains, Chiefs of 
Squadrons, Guards of Forts, Havens and passages, and all 
other officers of His Majesty above said, and all the allies 
of the crown of France, that they lend unto him strong 

* Canso. 

92 D'Aulney and La Tour. 

hand and assistance in case of need, promising the like on 
our behalf, occasion presenting. In witness hereof we 
have signed these presents and caused the seal of our 
arms to be set hereunto at Port Royal, the place of our 
residence, Monday this ninth of March, one thousand six 
hundred forty and three. Caused to be signed by our 

Maillet, Secretary. 


By my above said Lord. 


Sieur D'JMnetfs letter to Mr. Endecott, Governor, by Mr. 
Mien* who carried our letter to Monsieur D'Jlulney, 
when he took him at Sea. — To the Sieurs, the Gentlemen, 
Magistrates of the Great Bay, at Boston. 


Having (according to the express order which I received 
from the King, my Master,) dispatched a Shallop unto the 
Bay to give you knowledge of his pleasure, concerning a 
subject of his, who, by means of assistance received from 
you, hath, to this present, continued in formal rebellion', 
I thought good by the, a person of trust, who, being 
fully informed of my apprehensions, might satisfy you by 
the discourse you might have with him, and demand justice 
and due reason in all kind, for certain grievances, wrongs, 
and injuries, which mine and myself have received from 
yours. It is that, which caused me to make choice of Mr. 
Marie, my experienced, faithful friend, to come unto you, 
and we knowing that letters and paper bear not such dis- 
course nor reply, to content those that read them, by that, 
which I have learned from Mr. Allen, you will not take in 
ill part this my visit per Mr. Marie, seeing it tendeth to no 
other thing, than that whereof yours is full. It makes me 
hope for (joining therewith the great order, which you ob- 
serve in your Government and that civility, which is natu- 
ral unto you, also, your generousness towards all your 
neighbours and allianced) all that satisfaction, which I can 
desire to all those complaints, he may make unto you about 

* Captain John Allen. 

D'Aulney and La Tour. 93 

i what is past. Sirs, it is that, which makes me cut short 
I all that, which may concern the interest either of my 
I master or myself, referring it to Mr. Marie and Mr. Allen, 
I with whom I have had, since his abode with me, clivers 
discourses and hath in part given me to understand the 
I particulars, which have troubled you. He will tell you 
I (as much as his memory will bear) the reasonings I have 
| had with him. And, as for the particulars wherein yours 
Imaketh instances, fearing lest Mr. Marie should not give 
lyou all that contentment, which you and I might wish, I 
I shall, according to your desire, endeavour to satisfy you 
I with all genuity to each article, — beseeching you to give 
(credit thereunto, and, for the time to come, not so easily 
Ireceive impressions to the prejudice of what light those 
■may give, which make profession of hgnour and set an high 
■price upon your friendship. — To the first I answer, that 
■ Captain Rose* only hath lost the goods of Monsieur Rich- 
lard Saltonstall, making shipwreck upon the Isle of Sables, 
I whereunto neither the deceased Monsieur, the commander 
fiof Razilly, then Lieutenant General for the King in all the 
■extent of New France, nor myself did in any measure con- 
tribute, seeing that we w T ere so far asunder and that the 
said Captain Rose, being through storm of wind by hazard 
put into the Harbour of La Heve, where then he was un- 
acquainted, was kindly received and entertained by the 
said Sir, in the said place ; the ship being then returned 
to France, the year ensuing all his company were delivered 
unto him, and a thousand crowns, which he had in his 
coffer ; and for certain cables and sails, which he had saved 
3f the wreck of his ship, the said Sir, the commander of 
Razilly, gave him, in payment, seven or eight hundred 
muttons of massive gold, which he caused to be taken off 
rom one of his suits, drawing Bills upon me, who then 
was at Rochelle, to discharge the said sum, for which he 
lad given them, which I accepted, and two days after, paid 
lim his money. He did ill to make use of such kindness, 
hewed unto him, to colour over to his owners the losses, 
which he put them unto, (through his ill managing of their 
Estate). He thought hereby to excuse himself and to ob- 
;ain yet another ship by their means. It is usual with such 

* John Rose. 


94 s D'Aulney and La Tour. 

rude persons with like coin, to repay the assistances and 
kindnesses showed unto them in their sreights. To the 
second, I answer, that when the said deceased commander 
of Razilly came into this country, he had order by his 
commission to withdraw Port Royal out of the hand of the 
Scotts, and that by an article contained in the treaty of 
peace, made between the French and English after the 
taking of Rochelle. You have but little knowledge of the 
Letter, still drawn upon Mr. de Boulemaky for satisfaction 
of certain Indian corn, cattle and ordnance, which the said 
Scotts left with us. The like command, also, he had to 
clear the coast unto Pemaquid and Kenebeck of all persons 
whatever, and to cause them to withdraw, if there were 
any habitation seated on this side. It was myself, who 
received order to execute the total, and met with Thomas 
Willet placed at Pemptagoiett.* I prayed him to be gone, 
giving him to understand with as much civility as I could, 
that it was not a place for him to inhabit. He carried 
away what he could, and of what remained there was an 
inventory made ; which he and I signed unto, and in the 
upshot I gave him a bill to make him payment upon de- 
mand. A month after, he came to the said place, with a 
ship and pinnace to fire ordnance upon them, who were 
there, without asking what was due unto him. I believe, 
if any had cause to complain, that, before all men, who 
were not interested herein, I should be received to make 
my grievances appear, having received a thousand detri- 
ments for the kind usage, which he received from me for 
having no right to place himself in that place. I did him 
no wrong to force him to depart, — seeing he possessed 
another's right. I asked a reason of this action of him, 
who then held the Government of your Commonwealth, 
who washed his hands of it, and wrote me, that he knew 
not of it, and, as for them, that they desired to continue 
alliance, and to maintain free commerce between the two 
nations ; but matters were not cleared since I made him 
answer, — that, in good time, I should account it a glory 
favourably to receive those, who should avow themselves to 
be under his authority, and told him, that when they would 
come, they should be welcome to Penobscot, but no further. 
See, I beseech you, if, after the carriage of matters in this 

* [Sometimes written Fentagoiett in these papers. It is called Pentagonett in 
Winthrop. It formerly signified Penobscot. Pub. Com.'} 

D' Aulney and La Tour. 95 

sort, either I ought or could have done otherwise. I 
think I have answered your third article by the end of this 
second, further, adding that all was to avoid the disorders, 
which formerly have fallen out until there might be further 
clearing of the intentions one of another. For the fourth, 
I might go for a senseless beast, if after all those arts of 
hostility, received from yours, — without giving them the 
least occasion myself or those whom I have left this winter 
to command in my absence in those places, if we should 
not have given the like commission. You are so well 
versed in warlike design, and understand so well points 
of State, and that which concerneth justice, as to judge 
therein ; — behold the truth in his brightness, as I have 
known it. Moreover, with your favour, I should crave 
answer to the articles, which Mr. Marie shall perpound 
unto you about those things, which do concern me ; but, 
above all, how you desire to act for the future towards the 
said Sir — de la Tour. For my part and all those which 
do belong unto me, you shall always find such readiness, 
as you can desire. If I can but obtain from you this re- 
quest as to desist from fomenting the rebellion of the said 
Sir de la Tour, I engage any word from this hour by these, 
that whatever troubles may fall out, yea, between the two 
crowns of France and England (which I heartily pray God 
not to permit), to keep inviolably with you and those which 
are under your authority, that peace and intelligence, w r hich 
are requisite in these beginnings. I shall end with this 
assurance, whereupon you may rest, that any interests 
shall never be considered by me when use may be made of 
my Master's and your rest ; for my Prince having com- 
manded me to live with you as if nothing had been question- 
able, (provided that you hearken to reason), I shall keep it 
with the peril of a thousand lives, and promise you to for- 
get what is past, if you afford me half that justice, which 
you would demand if you were in my place. I shall shut 
up all at this time, assuring you that if you think meet, I 
shall never be other than 

Your most humble and most affectionate Servant, 


Governour and Lieutenant General for the King, in all 
the Coasts of Acadie, Country of New France. 

From Fort Royal, this 21st Oct., 1644. 

96 D'Aulney and La Tour. 


[The subsequent letter is translated from a copy, taken in the French 
of nearly two centuries ago, by Secretary Willard, as denoted at the 
close. As the readers of it, in this age, cannot be acquainted with every 
particular circumstance, under which it was first composed, some parts 
of it do not appear completely lucid. Pub. Co?n.] 


I could not know how to divest myself of the deep feel- 
ings, with which your kindness has filled me, nor to deprive 
myself of the confidence with which your generosity has 
furnished me, nor do I believe, that however my enemy 
may have gone to Boston to deceive you and make me 
pass for a traitor, you will condemn me without a hearing 
or abandon me because he would invade my interests. He 
is a man of artifice, and who, knowing that you esteem 
good men, will assume all the grimaces and similarities of 
piety, (but not in essence), who will strive to give you the 
impression, that you ought to abandon me, but he will not 
tell you that it is to fortify himself by my disaster and 
afterwards make you difficulty, as he has already shown by 
the injustice and perfidy, committed in the affair of Penob- 
scot. He supposes, (so very vain is he), that your opin- 
ions will be swayed by his, and provided that he shows 
some decrees, you will give me up. But you have been 
too conversant with state matters not to be aware, that 
England answered to the complaints which the King of 
France made on the subject of England's importing into 
Spain all sorts of Merchandize ; that they did not pretend, 
because of an alliance with France, to deprive themselves 
of commercial advantages. And, moreover, that the King 
of England assisted the Hollanders with men, money and 
arms, notwithstanding the confederation of Spain. And 
the King of France protects the same Hollanders in a sim- 
ilar manner, for that, which the said King had with this 
Republic, was prior to that, which they have contracted 
with the King of Spain, and that, for the same reason, the 
late Queen of France, Marie de Medicis, regent during the 
minority of her son, and he, namely, Lewis XIII., lately 
deceased, protected the Republic of Geneva against the 

D'Aulney and La Tour. 97 

arms of the Duke of Savoy, son in law of the Queen, and 
brother in law of the King. And, therefore, Gentlemen, 
your reason will not oblige you to leave me unprotected. 
I promise myself, that you will not allow it. For that 
which concerns his decrees, I could not better enable you 
to perceive the injustice of them, than to place in your 
hands that, which contains the crimes, that they impute to 
me. You will see them in this, as if I prevented by my 
bad deportment the progress of the service of God and of 
the King, and the advancement of the Colony. And when 
it is asked of them whether they are not his evil deeds, 
they say, instead of alledging the course of my vicious life, 
that I have done nothing in the country. But, mark the 
false testimony, which consists in not being able to prove, 
that I impede, by my vicious conduct, the progress of the 
service of God among the savages, and, instead of proving 
it, he goes to allege, that I have done nothing in the Coun- 
try, which is an irrelavent point and still false. For, I 
have built two Forts, and he himself has burnt one of 
mine, and he has not built another for it, nor cleared up 
only seven or eight acres of land. He has also burnt the 
Monastery Church contrary to the tenor of the decree, 
which ordered him to put in those places men, who were 
able to answer for them, and, by consequence, to preserve 
them. And this wretch, to justify his Atheism, alledges, 
that the Indian females have been corrupted in the Church, 
which is as false, as it is true, that he burnt the wigwam 
of a Savage at Cape Sables, to carry off his wife from him. 
And that the commander de Razilly, his late master, held 
him a long time in prison for this cause. And that this last 
winter Father Vincent de Paris, a Capuchin, did all in his 
power to be heard against him in Council, to prove his 
Atheistical hypocrisy, showing, that for six months, he had 
criminal connexion in Port Royal with a woman, being a 
communicant, with this horrible crime, all the eight days. 
But, gentlemen, to prove his perfidy, consider only the 
capture of Penobscot and the payment of Thomas Ouillet* 
and you will see, at the same time, his destitution of faith 
and his rage against the English Nation. Whatever re- 
lates to myself, do not account me so unprincipled a man, 

* Willet. 

98 jy Aulney and La Tour. 

nor such an enemy as he, until I shall have as much de- 
ceived and offended you, as he has. But, especially, con- 
sider my inclinations by my obligations, and believe me, 

Your very humble, 

affectionate Servant, 

De la Tour. 

At St. John's River 

Fort, the 27 of Oct., 1644. 

A true copy taken from the original now sent to Great 
Britain. Examined pr. 

J. Willard, Secretary. 


[The subsequent petition, having no date, seems to have been presented 
in 1644. Pub. Com.] 

To the right worshipful, the Governour, Deputy Gov- 
ernour, the worshipful Assistants, with the Deputies, now 
assembled in a General Court in Boston, — these be pre- 
sented as the humble petition of John Bayley and Isaac 
Barkeley. Whereas there was an account lately com- 
menced against your Petitioners by Madam La Tour, alias 
Frances Mary Jaquelins, upon pretence of breach of a 
Charter Party, which Charter Party was fraudulent, and 
made only to be shown in case they should have met with 
the King's Ships, and your Petitioners being for the present 
not able to prove it, their witnesses being in England, they 
were condemned to pay her twenty hundred pounds ster- 
ling, and since that time, execution is granted, and seizure 
made on all the goods and Merchandise, which came in the 
ship Gilliflower to the great prejudice of Alderman Barke- 
ley of London, Mr. Henry St. Johns, Merchant, and Cap- 
tain John Bayley, owners of the said goods, your Petition- 
ers, therefore, humbly request this honoured Court to grant 
them such convenient time for the review of this account 
as in which the testimony may be brought out of England 
for clearing the truth, and that, in the mean time, the goods 
may not be delivered in to the Custody of the said Lady or 
her agent, and one of your petitioners will remain here, 

D'Aulney and La Tour. 99 

and the whole cargo of Goods, or good security for such 
part thereof, as shall be disposed of to the full value of the 
sum aforesaid, shall also be left in deposite until the time 
appointed for the review shall come, the Lady La Tour 
giving such security, as to your wisdoms shall seem fit to 
prosecute the action then and to pay such damages, as may 
then be given us from her for so molesting of us, — by grant- 
ing of which request you will much engage the aforesaid 
Merchants in England, and oblige us ever to remain, 
Your Worships' 

Servants to command, 

Jwo. Bayley. 

Isaac Bahkeley. 


The Magistrates' answer to this petition is, that the 
court, that heard the cause never heard of any just ground 
as yet of a review, but only pretences of a ground. Yet 
seeing Madam La Tour hath made voluntarily these two 
proffers ; — 1st, that she is content to put in good security 
for the whole cargo, or so much thereof, as she hath a judg- 
ment for (if she may have said goods delivered), to answer 
to a review within thirteen months ; or, 2dly, that if she 
may have delivered unto her five hundred pounds of the 
said goods, she giving security for the same, she will stay 
for the rest till the time aforesaid, so as the defendants put 
in good security to be responsible for so much, as make up 
the judgment of damages, if they reverse not the judgment 
within the time aforesaid. This offer of the Lady, the 
Magistrates do conceive, may give satisfaction to all ; yet 
if it should not be accepted, the defendants are at liberty 
to bring their review. 

Jjvo. Efdecott, Governour. 


Governour and Council's Letter to Mom. D'Aulney, from 



Upon the request, lately presented unto us by Sieur de 
la Tour, to yield him assistance cf men and ammunition, 
against your forces, which he was in fear of, we have had 

100 UAulney and La Tour. 

occasion tendered us seriously to consider how matters 
have passed between you and us, and among other things 
many injuries which sundry of our people and friends have, 
at several times, suffered from you and yours since your 
coming into these parts, — and, particularly, certain com- 
missions lately given forth to Captain Le Boeuf * to take 
our vessel and goods, which might have given us occasion 
to have yielded unto the request of the said Sir — and to 
have sought for satisfaction in another way; but, upon 
consideration of the tender of friendship and the desire of 
the continuance of mutual correspondency between us, 
held forth in a letter, sent from yourself to John Winthrop, 
Esq., then being our Governor, which hath been shewed 
unto us, to the end, that you and all the world may know 
the delight, which we take to live in peace with all, (and 
as far as we can) to avoid all occasions of difference and 
contention, (highlier esteeming of peace than war, if upon 
just and equal terms we can obtain it); — we have taken 
this present opportunity to write unto you, that (if it may 
be), we may truly understand one another, that all occa- 
sions of wrong, offered or received (wheresoever they be) 
may righteously be removed, and for time to come, that 
rules of love and peace may carefully be attended to, and, 
in this way of the tender of love and peace, and removal 
of whatsoever may hinder it, we shall readily first walk 
in, although, we be ignorant of any wrong, which we or 
any of our people have at any time done ; yet if there be 
any, which we have not the knowledge of, for which you 
have just cause to complain, we are prompt and ready to 
hear and redress the same ; and, as for that which was 
done the last year by our people in the design, wherein 
they were employed by the said Sir de la Tour, that it may 
not be misconstrued, we do hereby in words of truth assure 
you, that they did not act either by command, counsel or 
permission of the Government here established, they went 
volunteers without any commission from it ; and, as we are 
in part ignorant of what they did, so it was done without 
our advise, and for any unlawful action, which any amongst 
them might possibly commit, (if there be any) we do not 
approve of, and shall be facile and ready (in case it shall 

* Frequently written Beuf by French authors. 

D'AuIney and La Tour. 101 

appear) to our power so to demean ourselves, as due satis- 
faction shall be rendered unto you ; for as we are not wil- 
ling to bear injuries whilst we have in our hands to right 
ourselves, we ever desire to be conscientiously careful not 
to offer any ourselves nor to approve of it in any of ours. 
For the present, the particulars wherein we conceive our- 
selves, friends and confederates to be by you injured, and 
for the which we never yet received satisfaction, are ; — 

First, — Your taking of the goods of Sir Richard Salton- 
stall, Knight, and the imprisoning of his men, who suf- 
fered ship wreck upon the Isle of Sables eight years 8 past. 

Second, — Your taking of Penobscot from those of our 
nation and league of Plymouth. 

Third, — Your refusal of traffic with us at Port Royal, 
and threatening to take our Vessels, which should go be- 
yond Pemptagoiett, and accordingly, your staying of one 
of our Vessels, though afterwards you released her. 

Lastly ; Your granting of Commissions to take our Ves- 
sels and Goods this last Autumn, as is above mentioned. 

To the above said particulars, we desire and expect your 
clear and speedy answer, that so we may understand how 
you are at present disposed, whether to War or Peace, — 
and accordingly steer our course, as God shall direct, and, 
as for the present, we have not granted the said request 
of the said Sir De la Tour, but, on the contrary, upon this 
occasion, we have expressly prohibited all our people to 
exercise any act of hostility either by Sea or Land against 
you, unless it be in their own defence, until such time, 
as they shall have further commission. A copy of the 
present we have sent unto you, here enclosed. Also, upon 
the reception of these presents, we desire and expect, 
that all such commissions shall be without delay called in, 
which have been given forth by you or any of yours against 
us and our people, and, forasmuch as our merchants are 
entered into a way and form of commerce with said De la 
Tour, which firstly, they tendered to yourself, but accord- 
ing as we have been informed, you refused ; nevertheless, 
we see not just reason (wherein we are cordial and candid) 
to hinder them in their just and lawful callings, nor to hinder 
their own defence, in case they shall be assaulted, either 
by you or yours, during their trade with the said Sir. 
We leave them to Divine Providence, and to the dictate of 

102 D'Aulney and La Tour. 

their own conscience, to regulate them according to right 
reason in such a case. For the full expediting and accom- 
plishing of our faithful and unfeigned desires of amity and 
peace for the time to come, and the removal of whatso- 
ever might intervene, we have sent you those two, to 
return your answer and resolution about that, which is 
above, desiring the God of peace to guide us all in those 
paths which may reach it and rest, 

Sir, etc. 


Copy of a Letter sent from Monsieur Aulney to our Governour, 
by Mr. Hawthorne, filed 31st August, 1645. 


The honour of yours by Mr. Hawthorne hath fully con- 
firmed to me the esteem, which Monsieur Marie gave me 
of your deserts, and after I had considered the face and 
drift of your reasons, I felt myself swayed so much the 
more willingly to receive satisfaction, because your cour- 
tesy and honesty are such, as would obtain the like from 
those, that are of the least sociable disposition. As for 
the first, you have just cause to say, that I cherish a true 
and perfect alliance ; for if it were not true, and that there 
were any mixture of deceit, I pray you to believe, that I 
had rather perish in a good and just War, than to lead a 
life altogether unworthy of my breeding. Upon this occa- 
sion, I will candidly tell you, that Mr. Marie had assured 
me, that none of yours should undertake the affairs of Sir 
De la Tour until you had returned me an answer by the 
last resolution, to know whether you would be at peace or 
w 7 ar with me, and in the mean while, I understood by Mr. 
Allen the last Autumn, that you were to convoy the wife 
of the said De la Tour, with three Ships into the river of 
St. John. I know not how you will name such kind of 
dealing. As for me, I should rather perish than to pro- 
mise that, which I would not perform. To say, as Mr. 
Hawthorne, that they were Merchants of London, whom 
you cannot hinder from trading with whom they please, 
this were good, if we did not well know, that La Tour, 
being worth nothing, and altogether unknown to your said 
Merchants, they would never trust such persons, — if you 

D'Aulney and La Tour. 103 

(or) other Gentlemen were not his security. Moreover, 
that persons who desire peace with their Neighbours, as 
you say you do, would have hindered such proceedings 
if they had pleased, — it being easily done in such places, 
as we are in. For the second, that you are not accustomed 
to meet until the month of September. That doth not 
concern me. I shall constantly wait until the said time, 
according to your desire, although Mr. Marie did believe 
that you would have answered me in the Spring, as he did 
apprehend you. Once more, I engage you my word, that 
I will not stir nor give any answer to my king in France, 
until I have yours, or that you make it appear, that you 
despise the amity of the French. For the third, that you 
did believe, that you had given satisfaction to the demand, 
which Mr. Marie made unto you on my behalf, by the an- 
swers given in writing by yourselves, which are the very 
same with those, which newly you sent me. If you call 
that satisfaction unto a Governour for the King, after send- 
ing with strength of arms even unto his port, without de- 
claration of war, or giving any other reason than by lively 
force to kill his men, burn one mill, slay cattle and to 
carry away a Barque, laden with Peltry and other goods, 
to say that your English, who have done such acts of hos- 
tility, were not sent by you; pardon me, Sir, if you please, 
if I tell you this is the mocking of a Gentleman to render 
such answers. Consider a little the two letters, which 
then were written unto me by Mr. Winthrop, then your 
Governour, and Mr. Hawkins the commander of your Eng- 
lish Ships, and the answers, which I then made. I send 
you the copies of all, and you will see, that the goodness 
of your Judgment will oblige you to acknowledge what I 
say. If you love not to say better than so to act in like 
case, it is to make use of tricks of sleight; for it is evident, 
that if you would meddle' with that, which doth not con- 
cern you, at least, in justice, you were bound to give as 
much credit to the amicable, voluntary and true answers, 
which I returned unto you, as unto the falsehoods of the 
said Sir De la Tour, and his folks. But will you, that I 
tell you, that is not the winding up of the business. The 
truth is, you thought, by surprising me, to have swallowed 
me up without Justice or any reason on your part, but pre- 
tended and coloured over. Believe it, Sir, that if you had 

104 D'Aulney and La Tour. 

come to the end of your designs, you have to do with a 
king, who would not so easily have let you digested the 
morsel, as you might be given to understand. The ex- 
ample of Quebeck and of the same Port Royal where I 
am, — taken by the English from the French in the time of 
a lawful War, and afterwards surrendered to the same 
French joining thereunto ; — what is past between the 
French and English in St. Christopher's Island is sufficient 
to assure you of this truth, if you will. It is true, that I 
shall die, but the kings of France die not, and their hands 
are always long enough to maintain their subjects in their 
right, in which part soever they be in. So much for the 
chief article. As for the rest, I will tell you, that if you 
desire so to accomplish them according as Mr. Marie hath 
presented them unto you, you will find them upon due 
consideration, so reasonable and not less necessary than 
the satisfaction, which I demand of you therein, for the 
maintaining of good and faithful peace. Furthermore, Sir, 
I know not whether this honest man, who delivered me 
yours, did well understand the apprehensions of your As- 
sembly, whereunto he hath told me he did assist ; but his 
reasons are very weak — to make believe, that Sir De la 
Tour had any appearance of Justice by saying, that one 
might have such arrests for twenty crowns in France, as 
Mr. Marie left the original with yourself. So to speak is 
to testify slender understanding in affairs. This makes 
me believe, that neither yourselves nor your Gentlemen 
of the Magistracy have such apprehensions. I pursuade 
myself you should have taken sounder advice, and that 
you should have taken a surer course and more reasonable 
not to have been deceived, which were to have sent the 
said arrests into England, that you might have tried the 
truth of them. I should have been very glad, and that 
those to whom you had sent them, had caused them to be 
presented to Monsieur Sabran, Embassador extraordinary 
for our King in England. You should have been fully sat- 
isfied and then you would have known, that I am a man of 
truth and without fraud in my proceedings. Mr. Marie 
hath told me, that he informed you, that the said Embas- 
sador had charge from his Majesty to speak unto your Sirs 
of the Parliament of England, concerning the differences, 
which are between you and us. I beseech you not to for- 

D'Aulney and La Tour. 105 

get to send me the said arrests when you shall vouchsafe 
me the honor to send a man expressly to treat about and 
conclude of a league, and believe, Sir, that while I live, I 
shall cherish the occasion, that I may testify how much 
I desire to be, 

Your more affectionate, 

and more humble Servant, 

Governour and Lieut. General for the King in the Coast of 
the Acadie, Country of New France. 

From Port Royal, the ) 
last of March, 1645. \ 


To the Honoured Governour, Deputy Governour, Magis- 
trates, and Deputies of the General Court. 

The humble petition of Stephen Winthrop, and Joseph 
Weld, Sheweth ;— 

That whereas your petitioners, being in England about 
their occasions, were by Alderman Barkley arrested in 
4500 pounds action, wherein he laid no personal cause 
against your petitioners, but only to recover thereby his 
damages for the goods, which were by Judgment of 
Court attached for Mr. De la Tour, the which suit he pre- 
sented, not only in the Admiralty, but, also, in the Parlia- 
ment, and when your petitioners were coming thence, he 
preferred a Bill in Chancery, and there obtained a Ne exeat 
regno, whereupon your petitioners were again arrested 
upon the Exchange to your discredit and damage, and 
were forced again to put in security of able Merchants for 
4000 pounds more, to redeem their persons from Prison. 
The prosecution to answer and defend these actions, took 
up their time from their other occasions to their very great 
distruction, besides the great charges your petitioners were 
put to for the defence of the said suits, and after your pe- 
titioners' credit was much impaired thereby, because many 
feared our estates would be weakened by maintaining suit 
against so potent an adversary, and in damage to be utterly 
ruinated, if by any means he should obtain Judgment 

106 D'Aulney and La Tour. 

against us. In tender consideration hereof, and for pre- 
vention of the utter ruin of your petitioners, their Wives 
and Families in defending this suit, which wholly concerns 
the maintaining of the just proceedings of the court, — this 
General Court will be pleased to take it into consideration, 
how your petitioners may be secured for the future, and 
repaid their charges already disbursed, and the rather for 
that your petitioners are upon their occasions shortly bound 
to repair thither again, and they shall pray, &c, 

Joseph Weld, 
Stephen Winthrop. 

The Magistrates know no way to help the Petitioners, 
but to certify the truth of the proceedings of the Court 
between Madam La Tour, Bailey, and Barkley, which they 
are ready to do and to leave them to take their lawful 
remedy against Alderman Barkley. 

Thomas Dudley, Governour. 

Consented to by the Deputies. 

Edward Rawson. 

Captain William Hawthorne being thought a meet person 
to go to Monsieur D'Aulney, is accordingly chosen by the 
house of Deputies, who desired our honoured Magistrates' 
consent thereto. 

Edward Rawson. 

The Magistrates desire the Deputies to make choice of 
Captain Bridges or Major Denison to go to Mr. D'Aulney 
about this business, and the Magistrates will consent to 
either of them. 

Thomas Dudley, Governour. 

The house of Deputies consent with our honoured Mag- 
istrates' choice, that Capt. Bridges to be sent to Monsieur 

Edward Rawson. 

D^Aulney and La Tour. 107 


The two papers sent herewith were drawn up to the 
end, that the state of the case, concerning Monsieur La 
Tour, may be represented with such relations, by which 
this Colony may be concerned in it, which the Magistrates 
desire the Deputies to take into serious and speedy con- 
sideration, so as (if they shall concur with us herein), they 
may be forthwith sent to the Elders for their further ad- 
vice 4, 16, 1645. 

Jo hint Winthrop, Deputy Governour. 

The Deputies conceive that but few of the Elders meet 
at Cambridge this week, besides Mr. Allen being not yet 
returned, our main business being the making of laws and 
many other businesses now in transaction in Court, they 
judge it not convenient to take this business into consid- 
eration at present. 

Robert Bridges. 

Mr. Allen being now returned and the Elders assem- 
bled, the Magistrates think meet the whole case should be 
sent to the Elders and desire the Deputies to consent 

Thomas Dudley, Governour. 

We assent, that the two papers be sent to the Elders, 
if this may be sent, also, that we conceive the whole case 
is not contained in either of them, but do desire of them, 
that they will return us their thoughts according as they 
shall find. 

Robert Bridges. 

The Magistrates desire the Deputies to make up the 
whole case, that it may be sent to the Elders, otherwise 
they think it will be to little purpose to trouble them 
with it. 

Thomas Dudley, Governour. 

The house of Deputies conceive the case cannot be 
stated in one day, and, therefore, desire, that there may be 

108 D'Aulney and La Tour. 

commissioners appointed by the Court, and Commission 
granted them to examine witnesses thereabouts and pre- 
pare the same against the next session of a General Court, 
and they have nominated our honoured Governour and 
Lieutenant Atherton, Mr. Pelham and Captain Cook, Mr. 
Saltonstall and Mr. Hawthorne, who hereby have power to 
summon witnesses in their several shires, and a part to ex- 
amine them and search out the truth of the case, as they 
shall see cause. 

Edward Rawson. 

The magistrates consent to what the Deputies desire, 
touching the substance thereof, but do forbear to consent, 
that the Magistrates should take commission to take Oaths, 
but think it meet they should practice as they have done 
hitherto till it be ordered otherwise ; also, they desire that 
the Deputies would presently send up five or six, whom 
they think most meet to confer with the Magistrates about 
a matter, which concerns the good of us all, which requires 

Thomas Dudley, Governour. 


[The ensuing letter was originally written in Latin. Supposing that 
a translation of it, more literal than free, would better convey the 
meaning of its author, we here present it in English accordingly. — 
Pub. Com.} 

Most meritorious and equitable President. The dele- 
gate of yourself and of your confederates, Mr. Robert 
Bridges, I have received, as I could, with a pleasant and 
cheerful disposition, especially without delay, as I under- 
stood, that he had so come, that he might treat with us 
about peace and tranquility, which is of great importance 
among the French and English inhabitants of these Colo- 
nies. But when I read your letters and heard your Mr. 
Bridges, plainly did I perceive, that you were not yet dis- 
posed for a firm and stable peace ; but only to ask some- 
thing, in the meanwhile, until (as you say) there may be 
opportunity to satisfy my just complaints, thus far de- 
scribed .to you by Mr. Marie, my dear and confidential 
messenger, to whom I gave all the power, I had, for treat- 

U Aulney and La Tour, 109 

ing with you, when I sent him to you, because, surely, if 
you had granted the same power to your delegate, there is 
no doubt but that by this course, peace would have been 
confirmed between us. But I pray, that you will permit 
me to open my mind, that I may speak sincerely. It seems 
to me, unless I am deceived, that it is your desire to defer 
from year to year, even while you can elude the just satis- 
faction, which I seek from you. Therefore, I close with 
you in one word, namely, that you may declare to me sin- 
cerely and without any equivocation, the first of the Spring 
and no longer, (because I shall expect so much as this), 
whether you will give satisfaction or not, as I have ingenu- 
ously signified to your delegate, Mr. Bridges. In the mean 
while, I engage to you, that I will commit no aggression 
against you until I shall have your consent or negative ; 
nor, moreover, can you be ignorant as to the justice of my 
petition, since sufficiently thus far it has been made known 
to you as well by my Mr. Marie, as through the injuries 
of Mr. Hockin and his people ; nor yet does it weary me 
to instruct your delegate, Mr. Bridges, again about the 
same things, that I may comply with your wish, and that 
you may better discern me desirous not only altogether 
for peace and common tranquility between us, but, also, to 
be the friend of you all and of you in particular. 
Most deserving and equitable 

Governour, or President, 

* Sincerely your humble servant, 


Governour Lt. General for the King, in the Coast of 
Acadie, country of New France. 

Dated at Fort St. John, 
Nov. 3, 1645. 

[The superscription of this letter was as follows : Mr. Winthrop, most 

* [This phrase as far as Aulney, in the original, is u Demitum fore usque ad 
aras." If demitum be instead of demissum, — as it probably is, and construed 
" humbly minded," according to Cicero de Orat. 2; and fore signify to be; — 
and usque ad aras may be rendered " as far as conscience permit,' 1 — according to 
Gellius ; we suppose that the phrase may be properly expressed as it is above. 
Even if demitum be defined, — sent from, — and fore be called, — door, — the collec- 
tive idea would not be essentially different. It is not unlikely, that Aulney used 
these Latin words in connexion with each other, — as a modus loquendi, — common 
in his day ; but the classic rendering of whici* we have not been so favored as to 
find, Pub, Com-] 


110 D'Aulney and La Tour. 

worthy and most equitable President of the Confederate t Convention of 
New England. In Boston — Marked, per Capt. Bridges.] 


Commission of the French King to D'Aulney, Feb. 1647. 

Louis, by the Grace of God, King of France and Navarre, 
to all People present and to come — Greeting: 

Being well informed and assured of the laudable and 
commendable affection, trouble and diligence, that our 
dear and well beloved Charles de Menou, Knight, Lord 
D'Aulney Charnizay, appointed by the late King of blessed 
memory, our most honoured Lord and Father (whom God 
absolve), Governour and our Lieutenant General in the 
Country and Coast of L'Acadie in New France, hath used 
both to the conversion of the Savages in the said Coun- 
try to the Christian Religion and Faith ; and the estab- 
lishing of our authority in all the extent of the said Coun- 
try, having built a Seminary under the direction of a good 
number of Capuchin Friars for the instruction of the said 
Savages' children, and, by his care and courage, driven the 
foreign Protestants out of the Pentagoiett Fort, which they 
had seized to the prejudice of the rights and authority of 
our Crown, and by our express commandment taken again 
by force of Arms and put again under our power the Fort 
of the River St. John, which Charles of St. Etienne, Lord 
De la Tour, was possessed of, and, by open rebellion, en- 
deavoured to keep against our will and to the great con- 
tempt of the declarations of our Council by the help and 
countenance of Foreign Protestants, with whom he had 
made a confederacy for that purpose, and that, moreover, 
the said Lord D'Aulney Charnizay hath happily begun to 
form and settle a French Colony in the said Country, 
cleared and improved great parcels of land, and, for the 
defence and conservation of the said Country, under our 
authority and power, built and strenuously kept against the 
endeavour and assaults of the said Foreign Protestants, 
four Forts in the most necessary places, and furnished 
them with a sufficient number of Soldiers, sixty great Guns 

t United Colonies. 

D'Aulney and La Tour. Ill 

and other things requisite to that, — all with great and im- 
mense charges, the which to bear, he hath been forced to 
borrow of several persons great sums of money, we not 
having been able to give him all the assistance in that 
occasion, that we had given, if the necessity of our affairs 
had permitted us, — make known, that we desire, with all 
our heart, for the glory of God, the increasing of the Chris- 
tian Faith and Religion, the salvation of these poor Sav- 
ages' souls, who live in ignorance, without any Religion 
and knowledge of our Maker, as, also, for the honour and 
greatness of our crown, — that so pious and honourable a 
work be carried on and finished as perfectly as possible, 
fully trusting in, and assured of the zeal, care, industry, 
courage, good and wise behaviour of the said D'Aulney 
Charnizay, and being willing as it is but reasonable to re- 
ward his good and faithful services, — have, by the advice 
of the Queen Regent, our most honoured Lady and Mother, 
and with certain knowledge, full power and Royal author- 
ity, the said Lord D'Aulney Charnizay, confirmed and do 
confirm anew as much as need is, or might be, and have 
appointed and do appoint, by these presents, signed by our 
own hand, Governour and our Lieutenant General, repre- 
senting our Person in all the above said Countries, Terri- 
tories, Coasts, and bounds of L'Acadie, beginning from the 
brink of the great River St. Lawrence, both along the Sea 
Coast and adjacent Islands and inner part of the main 
land, and in that extent, as much and as far as can be, as 
far as the Virginias,* to settle and make known our name, 
power and authority, and submit to it the People that dwell 
there, to bring them and cause them to be instructed in the 
knowledge of the true God and light of the Christian Reli- 
gion and Faith, and command there upon the sea as well 
as upon the land, to order and put in execution, all that 
he knoweth that can and ought to be done for the main- 
taining and keeping the said places under our authority 
and power, with power to appoint and settle all officers, 
both civil and military, for the first time and afterwards, 
name them to us and present them for our confirmation, 
and to give them our Letters to that necessary ; and, ac- 
cording to the occurrences of affairs, with the advice and 

* A Word formerly used to denote New England as well as more Southern Col- 

112 D'Aulney and La Tour. 

counsel of the wisest and ablest persons, make laws, stat- 
utes, and ordinances confirm to ours as much as it is pos- 
sible ; make peace and alliance and confederacy with the 
said people, their Princes and others, having power and 
commandment over them, to make open war against them, 
to establish and maintain our authority and the freedom of 
trade and commerce between our subjects and them, and, 
in other cases, as he will think fit to grant our said sub- 
jects, who may live and trade in the said country and to the 
natives thereof, privileges, places and dignities, according 
to the qualities and merits of persons, all under our good 
pleasure. We do will that the said D'Aulney Charnizay 
may, and we give him power to keep and appropriate to 
himself what he will think most convenient and proper to 
his settlement and use of the said countries and places, and 
to distribute such parts thereof, as he pleaseth, both to our 
said subjects, that will settle there, and to the natives, and 
to grant them such titles, honours, rights, powers and fac- 
ulties, as he will think fit according to the qualities, merits, 
and services of Persons ; to cause the mines of gold, silver, 
copper and other metals and minerals to be carefully sought 
after and to put them in use as it is prescribed by our 
declaration. We reserve only the tenth part to ourselves 
of the profit arising of the gold, silver and copper ores, 
and leave to him what might belong to us as to the other 
metals and minerals, to help him to bear the other expences 
of his Government. We do grant to the said Lord D'Aul- 
ney Charnizay, leave to build towns, forts, harbours, and 
other places, that he thinketh to be useful for the above- 
mentioned purposes, and there to set such Officers and 
Garrisons, as need shall be, and generally to do for the 
settlement, habitation, and conservation of the said coun- 
tries, lands, and coasts of L'Acadie from the said River St. 
Lawrence as far as the Virginias, their appurtenances and 
dependencies under our name and authority all, that we 
could do ourselves, if we were there in person, giving him 
to that end all power and authority and special commission 
by these presents. And for as much that the only way, 
that he hath hitherto had and hath now and may for the 
time to come, to bear part of the great charges, that he 
hath been and is still at, the said Lord D'Aulney Charni- 
zay for the keeping both of the said four Forts and Garri- 

D'Aulney and La Tour. 113 

sons there, and the Colony that is forming there, and the 
Friars and Seminary abovesaid, all which things are main- 
tained and do subsist at his own charge and cost, no body 
else having contributed to it any thing, — is the trade and 
traffic of furs with the said savages, without which he could 
not maintain himself, and would be fain to leave and aban- 
don all to the prejudice of God's honour and our crown's 
and the savages' souls, who have already embraced Chris- 
tianity, we have graciously given and granted the said 
Lord D'Aulney Charnizay exclusively of all others, and, 
by these presents, do give and grant in confirming his 
actual possession of the same, the privilege, power and 
faculty to traffic and trade in furs with the said savages 
throughout the said country of main land and coast of 
L' Acadie from the River St. Lawrence to the sea, and as far 
as the said countries and coasts may be extended to the 
Virginias, to possess it as well as the lands, gold, silver, 
and copper mines and other metals and minerals and all 
other things, above mentioned, himself, his heirs and as- 
signs, and make homage of them to us either in person or 
by an attorney, considering the distance of the places and 
the danger, by reason of his absence to cause the said trade 
of furs to be managed by those, he will appoint and give 
power to do it. We do expressly forbid all merchants, 
masters and captains of ships and others, our subjects, and 
the natives of the said country of whatsoever condition 
and quality they be, to trade in the said furs with the said 
Indians without his special leave and permission — on pain 
of disobedience and entire confiscation of their vessels, 
victuals, arms, munition, and goods for the said Lord D'Aul- 
ney Charnizay, and thirty thousand livres of fine. We do 
permit the Lord D'Aulney Charnizay to hinder them by 
all means, to stop the offenders, their vessels, arms and 
victuals, in order to deliver them into the hand of justice, 
to be proceeded against, the persons and goods of the said 
offenders and in order that our intention and will be known, 
and nobody may plead ignorance, we command all our jus- 
tices and officers, every one in his place, that, at the re- 
quest of the said Lord D'Aulney Charnizay, they shall 
cause these presents to be read, published, and registered, 
and what is contained in them to be kept and observed, 
punctually causing to be posted up the contents thereof in 

114 D'Aulney and La Tour. 

the sea-ports, havens, and other places of our kingdom — 
lands and countries of our Dominions, where need shall 
be, willing that credit be given to the copies well collated 
by one of our beloved and faithful Councellors and Secre- 
taries or Notary Royal, required to do it as to the present 
original, for much is our pleasure ; in witness whereof we 
have caused our seal to be set to these presents — given at 
Paris in the month of February in the year of grace, one 
thousand six hundred and forty-seven, and the fourth of 
our reign. Signed 


By the King, the Queen Regent his mother being pres- 
ent. De Lomenie. 



After I understood the death of my son, Monsieur 
D'Aulney, the late Governour and Lieutenant to my sov- 
ereign Lord, the King, within all the country and coast of 
Acadie in New France, — and that, in the issue, many of 
the chief Lords of the crown, my kinsmen, had chosen 
me tutor over the children of my deceased son, proprietary 
of the said country, the king honoured me with the govern- 
ment of all the said country until such time of my deceased 
son's eldest son should be of age, to take upon him the 
execution of the said trust, and in as much, Sirs, as I am 
not ignorant of the amity, which you bear to my said de- 
ceased son in embracing his interest, as soon as he made 
that esteem appear, which the king had of him by the 
grant, which his Majesty gave unto him of the said coun- 
try, I have ever since desired, with great care, to maintain 
the same good intelligence with you ; yea, and better than 
my deceased son did. If I possibly could, therefore, it is 
that I wrote unto my daughter in law by Monsieur De Saint 
Mas, a gentleman of honour and quality, whom the King 
thought meet I should send thither in quality of my Lieu- 
tenant General, that immediately upon his arrival, she 
should send towards you to convey this letter and to renew 
with you a good and perfect alliance, friendship and con- 
federation, with protestation, that it shall not be violated 
in any of those things, which should be kept between good 

D'Aulney and La Tour. 115 

friends allianced and neighbours. It is the affectionate 
prayer, which I make unto you, Sirs; — and believe, that 
in all places and upon every occasion, wherein I may do 
you service, I shall as cordially perform it, as I am truly, 

Your very humble, 

and most affectionate Servant, 


From Paris, 2d of March, 1651. 


At a council held at Boston 10th, 4th Month, 1651. Mon- 
sieur Belile * coming from Port Royal, brought three 
letters from Madam D'Aulney, Monsieur De Saint Mas, 
and Monsieur Charnizay. — To Madam D'Aulney's let- 
ter, which was as followeth, — superscribed to the Gen- 
tlemen, Governour and Magistrates of New England at 


God having, somewhat above a year since, as you may 
have understood, disposed of by death Monsieur D'Aulney 
of happy memory, my most honoured lord and husband, I 
was left under uncomfortable displeasure, and saw no means 
in the world to mitigate my grief in such a troublesome 
state ; but the King, out of his bounty, casting his eyes 
upon my family, was pleased to consider me and my 
children in the person of Monsieur De Charnizay, father 
of the deceased Monsieur D'Aulney, and to gratify us 
with his letters patents of confirmation in the propriety 
and government of all the Acadie and Islands adjacent, to 
this purpose, promising us his royal protection and the suc- 
cour of his power as already it doth appear by the notable 
assistance of victuals and men, which are come unto us, 
under the conduct of Sieur De Saint Mas, our Lieutenant. 
And, I believe, Sirs, that, as you, under the relation of 
good neighbours and allianced, would have taken part with 
me in my desolation, it was just, I should give you to un- 
derstand the favours, which I received from God and his 

* [Contraction for Bell' He : as applied to one of the Foucquets by Dictionnaire 
Historique par Chaudon et Delandine, — it is Belle-He. Pub. Com.'] 

116 D'Aulney and La Tour. 

Majesty, and this is the only occasion of this present and 
of the message, which I send unto you by Sieur De Belile, a 
man of quality and desert, in whom I do confide, who will 
assure you of the good intentions, which I have to do you 
service, and of my purpose to maintain that good intelli- 
gence, which was between us in the time of Monsieur 
D'Aulney. Thus, praying God to preserve you, I rest, 

Your most affectionate 

and good friend, 

Jane Mote*, 
Widow of the deceased Monsieur D'Aulney. 

From Port Royal this 27 May, 1651. 



By the letters, herewith joined, from my Lord De Char- 
nizay and from Madam D'Aulney, it will be facile for you 
to understand the sincerity of their actions, as, also, more 
easy to conceive, that there will be no stick from any but 
yourselves, that we may maintain a faithful and perfect 
correspondence, the honour, which I have to command in 
this country, on the behalf of the King, my master, in 
quality of Lieutenant General unto my said Lord Charni- 
zay, furnisheth me with power thus to write unto you and 
to assure you of my friendship, if it be acceptable unto 
you, in expectation of news from you, I rest, Sirs, 
Your most affectionate Servant, 

De Saint Mas. 

At the Castle of Port Royal, the 29th May, 1651. 


Council's Letter to Mons. Charnizay. 


We received yours from Paris, dated the 2d of March, 
1651, — by which we perceive the King of France hath 
invested you with power, as his Lieutenant, to govern in 
all the country and coast of New Acadie in New France, 

D'Aulney and La Tour. 117 

in the behalf of the son of the late Lieutenant Monsieur 
D'Aulney and therein, also, an intimation of your desire 
of a continuance of all faithful, neighbourly correspond- 
ency with us, which we have been forward to embrace and 
keep with all men, as we take ourselves in duty bound, 
and, unless ought shall proceed from such, as yourself hath 
impowered to govern in that place or from the People 
thereof towards us contrary thereunto, we shall still hold 
and maintain the same, and in the mean time remain, Sir, 
Your humble Servant, 

John Endecott, Governour. 
By consent of all the Magistrates. 

Boston Uth, 4th Month, 1651. 


Council 9 s Letter to Madam D'Aulney. 


We received yours — dated 27 May, 1651, in which you 
intimated your ready inclination to hold a continued, firm, 
neighbourly correspondency with us, as usually is between 
good friends, which hath been always grateful to us to 
entertain with all men, as much as in us lieth, nor do we 
know or intend any thing but all neighbourly, loving and 
friendly compliance with you, unless ought shall proceed 
from yourselves towards us contrary thereto, and, in the 
mean-time, subscribe ourselves, Madam, 
Your humble Servant, 

John Endecott, Governour. 

With consent of all the Magistrates. 

Boston Uth, 4th Month, 1651. 


Council's Letter to Mons. St. Mas. 


We received yours dated 21th May, 1651, in which you 
intimate your readiness respecting the place, over which 
you govern by power derived to you from Monsieur Char- 

118 D'Aulney and La Tour. 

nizay to maintain a sincere and friendly correspondency 
with us, as usually is between good friends, which is always 
acceptable to us to entertain with all men, as much as in 
us lieth, nor do we know or intend anything, but all loving 
neighbourly and friendly compliance with you, unless ought 
shall proceed from yourselves towards us contrary thereto, 
and in the meantime subscribe ourselves, Sir, 
Your humble servant, 

Joh^- Endecott, Governour. 

By consent of all the Magistrates. Delivered to Mon- 
sieur Belile the same day. 

Boston 12th, 4th Month, 1651. 

Monsieur De La Tour oweth — May 13 : 

To balance of account then drawn up be- 
tween us, as by the mortgage appeareth £2084,00,00. 

Nov. 19. — To goods shipped in the vessel 

he went to Canada in, 216,08,08. 

1654-24-8. To interest upon the preced- 
ing sums due to me 9 years, 5 months, 
at £8 pr. £100, 1723,14,06. 

To charge of demanding payment, twice 40,00,00. 

To what is due to my assignees, . . . 82,05,00. 




Sum, £4146,08,02. whole amount, £4146,08,02. 

Per Contra : Ought to have pr. 164 3-4 
pounds of Beaver received from Mon- 
sieur Prevost at 10s. pr. lb., .... £82,07,06. 

24, (8) pr. Balance of this account as ap- 
peareth, 4064,00,08. 

whole sum, £4146,08,02. 

D'Aulney and La Tour. 119 

This is to testify before whom it may concern, that upon 
the Letter of Attorney vouchsafed unto me by Major Gen- 
eral Edward Gibbons. — I made two voyages, once to St. 
John's River, and another time to Port Royal, to demand 
of Monsieur De La Tour, both the money due from him 
to the said Major Gibbons upon Mortgage, and also for a 
parcel of goods shipped for him upon the Vessel he went 
to Canada in. The charge of which two voyages amounted 
to above forty pounds. Furthermore, that the said De La 
Tour is indebted more to assignees of the said Major Gib- 
bons, for goods, then delivered unto himself and order, 
eighty-two pounds five shillings. Witness my hand, made 
at Boston, this 25& (8) ber., 1654. 

Joshua Scottow. 

Sworn before the Court. 

Edward Raws on, Secretary. 

This is to testify before whom it may concern, that the 
Mortgage of Monsieur De La Tour's fort, &c. was by him- 
self signed and delivered by him, the said De La Tour, 
unto Major Edward Gibbons, in presence of us and divers 
others and the testimony, which therein we do bear, we 
do by these presents confirm, and, in case of need, shall 
further testify, if called therunto. Witness our hands made 
at Boston, this 2bth (8) ber., 1654. This is testified upon 
oath by Mr. Valentine Hill and Joshua Scottow, before the 
Magistrates, assembled in General Court. 

John Endecott, Deputy Governour. 

I, Samuel Maverick do hereby testify, that in Anno 1645, 
there was shipped aboard the Barque Planter by Major 
General Gibbons, several parcels of goods, all valued at 
two hundred and sixteen pounds, eight shillings and eight 
pence, and committed to the charge and disposal of Mon- 
sieur La Tour, of which, as also of a greater sum, adven- 
tured by myself with the said La Tour in that voyage, we 
never had to this day any return made. Witness my hand 
this 28th day of October, 1654. 

Samuel Maverick. 

Sworn before the Court. 

Edward Rawson, Secretary. 

120 D'Aulney and La Tour. 


Letter from Mr. Thomas Lake, in Boston, to Captain John 
Leverett, Merchant in London. Dated Sept. 2, 1657. 


" The 29th of August, Mr. Scottow tendered £210 for 
Monsieur La Tour, and demanded two original Deeds, 
which he said are by contract to be delivered upon payment 
of the £210, and would not pay anything without the 
receipt of the Deeds. Now I shall inform Captain Breaden 
fully, of the whole action; and Mr. Usher, when he comes, 
will inform you, so as at present I shall not trouble you 
further with." 

" How matters are at the Fort, I suppose Captain 
Breaden will inform. Col. Temple saith he is resolved 
to comply with Col. Crowne on some terms, to have his 
interest. Col. Temple was honourably received ashore 
by the Governour and Company's soldiers. He hath a 
noble spirit, answering what you wrote of him in Mr. 
Brown's letter, to whose house he went at Sudbury. I 
fear his noble spirit will not suit with Acadie, or at least 
the profit of Acadie will not maintain his post. Myself 
and some other friends, have spoken seriously to him for a 
frugal management of the same. He accepts of advice 
and saith he will by degrees clear himself of the unneces- 
sary charge, which he is at by many servants, that he 
brought over, who will be as drones to eat up all the 
honey, that others labour for, and that he will have but 
two at most, to wait upon himself/' 


The deputies understanding by good information, that 
Captain John Allen hath several times been employed by 
order from this Court, viz., ten days to look after a French 
ship upon the coast, as also a voyage to Monsieur D'Aul- 
ney, both himself and ship, for the space of near twenty 

D'Aulney and La Tour. 121 

days, besides a second voyage to the aforesaid D'Aulney, 
wherein he was absent six weeks ; to which may be added, 
his lending Mr. Winslow for the Country's use, £100 in 
England, which was not paid in seven years after, and then 
but in Country pay, all which considered, the Deputies' 
judge meet, as a manifestation of their acceptance of such 
his good service, which hitherto hath not been taken no- 
tice of, so as to render him any answerable recompense, 
to grant him a thousand acres of land where he can find it 
according to law, so as he take it not up in above two 
places. Desiring the consent of our honoured Magistrates 

William Torrey, Clerk. 

27 (8) 1668, consented to by the Magistrates. 

Edward Rawsojn", Secretary. 


To Captaine John Leverett, Commander of the Forts, 
lately taken from the French in America.* 

We have received an Account from Major Sedgwick, 
of his taking several Forts from the French in America, 
and that hee hath left you to Command and secure them 
for Us and this Commonwealth : and although Wee make 
no doubt of your fidelitie and diligence in performance of 
your trust, yet Wee have thought it necessarie to let you 
know of how great consequence it is, that you use your 
utmost care and circumspection, as well to defend and 
keep the Forts above said, as also to improve the regayn- 
ing of them into Our hands, to the advantage of Us and 
this State, by such wayes and meanes as you shall judge 
conducible thereunto. And as Wee shall understand 
from you the state and condition of those places, Wee 
shall from tyme to tyme give such directions, as shall be 

Given at Whitehall, 
this third of Aprill, 

* [As this ia printed from the original, we give an engraved copy of the auto- 
graph of the Protector.] 

Whalley and Gaffe. 123 


[As the excerpta of what remains after the full gleanings of Hutch- 
inson and Stiles, — the subsequent items, relative to Whalley and GofFe, — 
are here presented. — Pub. Com.] 

Governour of New England, to apprehend Whalley and Goffe. 

To our trusty and well-beloved the present Governour, or 
other Magistrate or Magistrates of our Plantation of 
New England. 

Charles R. 

Trusty and well-beloved, — Wee greete you well. Wee 
being given to understand that Colonell Whalley and Col- 
one 11 Goffe, who stand here convicted for the execrable 
murther of our Royall Father, of glorious memory, are 
lately arrived at New England, where they hope to shroud 
themselves securely from the justice of our lawes ; — Our 
will and pleasure is, and we do hereby expressly require 
and command you forthwith upon the receipt of these our 
letters, to cause both the said persons to be apprehended, 
and with the first opportunity sent over hither under a 
strict care, to receive according to their demerits. We 
are confident of your readiness and diligence to perform 
your duty ; and so bid you farewell. 

Given at our Court at Whitehall, the fifth day of March, 

By his Majesty's command, 

Edw. Nicholas. 

That this is a true copie of his Majesty's original letter, 
as it came and was presented to the Governour of the 
Massachusetts' jurisdiction, and was subscribed as on the 
other side, being compared therewith. 


Edward Raws on, Secretary. 
Boston, May 6, 1661. 

Jno. Endecott, Governour. 

124 Whalley and Goffe. 


Order to search for Whalley and Goffe. 

May 17, 1661. For the Marshall or Deputies at Milford. 

You are to make diligent search, by the first, through- 
out the whole towne of Millfoord, and the precincts thereof, 
taking with you two or three sufficient persons, and calling 
in any other helpe you shall see need of, who are hereby 
required to attend for your assistance upon call ; and this 
to be. in all dwelling houses, barnes or other buildings 
whatsoever, and vessels in the harbour, for the finding and 
apprehending of Colonell Whalley and Colonell Goffe, 
who stand charged with crimes, as by his Majestie's letter 
appears j and being found, you are to bring them to the 
Deputie Governour, or some other Magistrate, to be sent 
over for England, according to his Majestie's order. 
Hereof faile not at peril. 

By order of the General Court, 
as Attest, 
William Leete, Deputie Governour. 

Jasper Crane, 
Matthew Gilberte, 
Robert Treatt. 

In the Marshall's absence, I doe appoint and impower 

you, Thomas Sanford, Nicholas Campe, and James Tapping 

to the above named powers, according to the tenour of the 

Warrant ; and to make a returne thereof, under your 

hands to me, by the first. -n ^ 

J Robert Treatt. 

Wee, the said persons, appointed to serve and search, 

by virtue of this our Warrant, doe hereby declare and tes- 

tifie that to our best light, we have the 20th of May, 1661, 

made diligent search according to the tenour of this 


As witness our hands, 

Thomas Sannford, 

Nicholas Campe, ' f , 

j rr > Searchers. 

James Iapping, 

Lawrence Ward, his J mark, 

Whalley and Goffe. 125 


General Court Records. 

June 10, 1661. — Report of Committee to the General 

" We further judge, that the warrant and letter from 
the King's Majestie for the apprehending of Colonell Wal- 
ley and Colonell GofFe ought to be diligently and faithfully 
executed by the authority of this Court. And also that 
the General Court may doe safely to declare, that, in case 
(for the future) any legally obnoxious and flying from the 
civil justice of the State of England, shall come over to 
these partes, they may not heer expect shelter. " 

This, as well as other partes of the said Report — was 
approved by the Court. 


u This Court do order that the Councill may dispose of 
1000 acres of land in any place, not formerly graunted by 
this Court for the gratuity of such as have or may further 
be imployed by the authority of this Country ; any other 
law or costome to the contrary notwithstanding. 

The Magistrates haue past this with reference to the 
consent of theire brethren, the Deputies hereto. 

Edward Rawson, Secretary. 
19 June, 1661. 

The Deputyes consent hereto, provided it hinder not a 

William Torrey, Clerk. 
Consented to by the Magistrates. 

Edward Rawson, Secretary" 

1661, June 19. — General Court, being on the point of 
adjourning, pass the subsequent vote. " If in this vacan- 
cy any opertunity present to write for England, the Gou- 
ernour is desired by the first conueyance to certify his Ma- 
jesty or the Secretaries of State, what himselfe and the 


Whalley and Goffe. 

Councill haue acted touching serening for Colonell Whalley 
and Colonell Goffe, in the prosecution of his Majesty's 


"At a Councill held at Boston, in New England, Mh 
July, 1661. Whereas the General Court by theire order, 
bearing date the 19/A of June, 1661, — did give and graunt 
a thousand acres of land to be at the Councill's disposall, 
for the gratuity of such as have or may be further imployed 
by the authority of this Country. The Councill considering 
the service of Mr. Thomas Kellond and Mr. Thomas 
Kirke,* performed in goinge to Connecticut!, New Hauen 
and Monhatoes in order to his Majesty's service for search- 
inge after Col. Whalley and Goffe, and judgeth it meete to 
giue and graunt to each of the sayd gentlemen, Mr. Kel- 
lond and Mr. Kirke, two hundred and fifty acres of land 
for a farme in any place, not formerly graunted, as a small 
recompense for theire paynes therein. 

By order of the Councill. 

Edward Rawson, Secretary. 

1662.— June 28. 


From his Majesty's Letter to the Authori- 
ties of Massachusetts. 

After declaring his forgiveness to all who had rebelled 
against him in the late difficulties of his kingdom, — he 
says, " excepting only such persons who stand attainted by 
our Parliament here of high treason ; if any such persons 
haue transplanted themselves into those parts, the appre- 
hending and the transporting into this kingdome and deliv- 
ering them into the hands of justice, we doe expect from 
the duty, affection and obedience of our good subjects of 
that our Colony, if they are found within the limits and 
jurisdiction thereof.' ' 

* [These were two young merchants, who came from England with a Royal 
Commission, — lor the express purpose of searching out and apprehending Whalley 
and Goffe. They are fully spoken of in Hutchinson's Massachusetts, and in Stiles' 
Judges. — Pub. Com.] 

Whalley and Goffe. 127 


[The following extract affords a specimen of the wild 
reports, circulated in London to injure the credit of New 
England, — already the object of much suspicion and aver- 
sion with the supporters of Charles II., — because they had 
not withstood the Cromwell administrations. It is from a 
letter of Col. Temple, — written from that metropolis to 
the Massachusetts authorities, — respecting the policy and 
disposition of the Court at St. James 5 March 4, 1662-3. 
Pub. Com.] 

It says, relative to the slanderers of this Country, — 
" The Lord Say declared them rogues, and told one of 
them publickly at the Councill, that he belyed the Coun- 
try ; — he knew that New England men were of another 
principle, when it w r as vrged, that Whalley and Goffe were 
in the head of an army in New England. " 


Instruction given to his Majestie's Commissioners — Richard 
Nichols, Robert Carr, George Cartwright, and Samuel 

April 25, 1664. " You shall make due inquiry whether 
any persons, who stand attainted here in Parliament of 
high treason, haue transported themselues thither; and doe 
now inhabit or reside or are sheltered there, and if any 
such persons are there, you shall cause them to be appre- 
hended and to be put on ship board and sent hither, to the 
end that they may be proceeded with according to lawe ; 
and you shall likewise examine, whether any such persons 
haue been enterteyned and received there since our re- 
turne into England, and what is become of them, and by 
whom they were received and enterteyned there, to the 
end, and for no other (for wee shall not suffer the act of in- 
demnity to be in any degree violated), that those persons 
may be taken the more notice of, and may hold themselves 
to take the more care for their future behaviour/ ' 

[This instruction, having been presented among others, by the King's 
Commissioners, to the General Court, — received (he reply of the latter 
body, in 1665, — as contained in our Collections, VIII. Vol. 2s. pp. 67, 
68 —Pub. Com.'] 


Whalley and Goffe. 


The deposition of John Coney, aged fourty and five 
years, or there abouts, — testifieth and sayeth, That being 
in Company with Mr. Thomas Kirk and Mr. Thomas 
Kellond at severall times, have heard them discourse about 
land that the General Court gave them about looking after 
Goffe and Whalley; and did positively heare the said 
Kirk and Kellond, before their going to sea, — say the 
longest liver should have both parts of the said land graunt- 
ed, and that John Bushnell, if in being, could testify the 
same, which was then present at severall times. And 
further sayeth not. 

Taken upon oath 12th of the third mo., 1670. 

Before mee, 
Anthony Stoddard, Commiss. 

Boston, 12th May, 1670. 


[Among the objections, exhibited against Massachusetts by the Lords 

for trade and Plantations, was one " about abetting the murtherers." 

In reference to this subject, our General Court, under date of Oct. 2, 
1678, — express themsekes as follows, to their agents. — Pub. Com.] 

"The Court adds to what you answered therein, viz. 
Mr. Thomas Kirke, related to Sir David Kirke, and Mr. 
Thomas Kellond yet liuing, will testify the same, nor 
were Whalley and Goffe knowne here to vs to be such 
offenders, till his Majestie's Proclamation came ouer; nor 
doe wee know, nor could be informed, that they were in 
any part of this Colony after the said Proclamation came 
ouer; and, therefore, doe humbly beseech his Majestie and 
the Honourable Privy Councill to give full credence to what 
is here asserted by his Majestie's dutifull subjects, and that 
there was no neglect, much less contempt of his Majestie's 
command in this matter." 




[The subsequent instructions were the occasion of much litigation and 
other difficulty in the jurisdiction of Massachusetts. — Randolph let no 
opportunity escape of demonstrating his resolution to have them executed 
to the very letter. Nor was he any less backward to make his complaints 
known both here and in England, when they were disregarded,- — as was 
frequently the case. On the other hand, our civil authorities were far 
from wishing him success in carrying his purpose into all the effect, 
which he desired and sought. They looked on the instructions, as 
trenching too much on their Charter privileges. As a matter of course, — 
such clashing views and sympathies rendered these instructions an ob- 
ject of deep attention and of prominent importance with the supporters 
and opposers of full Royal Prerogative. 

It will be observed, that one of the signatures, — as made by the Com- 
missioners of the Customs in London, — is that of Sir George Downing. 
The last gentleman's history is particularly interesting to New England, 
as one of their greatest friends and as a member of the first class, who 
graduated at Harvard College. — Pub. Com.] 

Instructions from the Commis si oners for managing, leauying, 
and causing to be collected his Majesties Customes, Subsi- 
dies, and other Duties in England, to Edward Randolph, 
Esq., Collector, Surueyor, and Searcher of his Majesties 
Customes, in New England, in pursuance of the direction of 
the Eight Honourable Thomas, Earle of Denby, Lord 
High Treasurer of England. 

First, — Whereas, in pursuance of an Act of Parliament, 
made in the twenty-fifth year of his Majestie's Reign, enti- 
tled " An Act of better securing the Plantations' Trades,' ' 
which we herewith deliuer to you, — we have deputed you 
to be Collector, Surueyor, and Searcher of all the Rates, 
Duties, and Impossisions arising, and growing due to his 

130 Instructions to Edward Randolph, Esq. 

Majestie, by virtue of the said Act, in his Majestie's Colo- 
nye of New England, (that is to say) the Massachusetts' 
Colonye, Plymouth Colonye, Connecticutt Colonye, Rhode- 
Island, the Prouince of Mayne, and New Hampshire, and 
all other his Majestie's Colonys, and Islands in New Eng- 
land, which you are by the best wayes and means, you can 
to leauy and collect according to the tenour of the said 
act. And because the said act hath settled the Collection 
of the said Duties, under such penalties as by seuerall Lawes 
are inflicted for non-payment of, or defrauding his Majestie 
of his Customes in England, wee doe therefore deliuer to 
you a Book of Rates, wherein are the principall Lawes re- 
lating to the management of the Customes in England, and 
the Plantation Trades; videlicet, the Act of Tonnage and 
Poundage, the Act of Navigation, the Act for preuenting 
Fraud, the Act for Encouragement of Trade, and the 
Act for better regulating the Plantation Trade, and the 
said Act for the better securing the Plantation Trade ; and 
you are to conforme yourselfe to the seuerall rules for man- 
aging the Customes according to the said Lawes, in all 
things wherein the same may be practicable with you, and 
to inform vs, or the Commissioners of his Majestie's Cus- 
tomes in England for the time being, what power, authori- 
se, or direction may be further necessary for the carrying 
on this his Majestie's seruice in the said Colonys. 

2. You are before your goeing out of England, to take 
the oaths of allegiance and supremacy before one of the 
Barons of the Exchequer, or the Lord Mayor of London, 
and the vsuall Oath for the faithful execution of your office 
before vs. 

3. Having soe done you are forthwith to repaire to the 
said Colonye in New England, and to settle your vsuall 
Residence in the Port of Boston, in Massachusetts Colonye. 

4. You are to appoint one Deputy att least in each of 
the aforementioned Colonys by Commission under your 
hand and Seale, and for whome you will be answerable ; 
who are to take the vsuall Oaths for the faythfull execution 
of their employments before the Gouernour, or Deputy 
Gouernour, of such Colonye, respectively, before they enter 
upon the same, and then you are to furnish them with Co- 
pyes of your Instructions and some of the forementioned 

Instructions to Edward Randolph, Esq. 131 

Acts for their better information and guidance in the per- 
formance of their Duties. 

5. You are to take care that noe Ship doe trade in his 
Majestie's Colonys in New England, but such as are by 
Lawe permitted to trade there, and you are to take care 
that all Ships and Vessells which by Lawe may trade in 
any of his Plantations that shall desire to ship and take on 
board any of the Plantation Commodities enumerated in 
the aforesaid Act of the twenty-fifth yeare of the King, doe 
not lade the same vntili it appears to you or your Deputy, 
that such Ship has giuen bond for carrying the same to 
England, Wales, or Berwick only, or to England, Wales, 
or Berwick or to some other of his Majestie's Plantations; 
and in case her bond be to carry the same to England, 
Wales or Berwick, or to some other of his Majestie's Plan- 
tations, in such case you are diligently to examine whether 
she take in any Tobacco of the growth of New England, 
as also in case she take in any Tobacco or other of the 
enumerated Goods which have not payd his Majestie's Cus- 
tomes at the Plantation, from whence the same came, to 
collect his Majestie's Dutyes for the same, according to 
the said Act of the twenty-fifth yeare of the king. And you 
are further to take care that before they take in any part 
of these sorts of Goods they make entry of the Ship with 
you or your Deputy, and also before their clearing, make 
report upon Oath of the contents of their Lading as to 
those sorts of Goods, both as to quantity and quality, to the 
best of their knowledge with the name of the Master that 
Laded the same, — and if any ship shall take in any of the 
said sorts of Goods chargeable with the Dutie aforesaid, 
before such entrye made as aforesaid, the Master thereof is 
liable to the penalty of one hundred pounds according to 
the Act for preuenting fraud, and the Statute made the 
first ofEliz. Chapt. 11. And, moreover, in case any such 
Ship shall take in any Goods chargeable with the Duties 
impossedby the said Act of the twenty-fifth yeare of the King 
before bond giuen as aforesaid, you are to make seizure of 
the said Ship and Goods, and proceed against the same 
according to Lawe. 

6. In case any ship which by lawe may trade in any of 
his Majestie's plantations, shall ariue in any of his Majes- 

132 Instructions to Edward Randolph, Esq. 

tie's Colonyes in New England, with any of the said sort of 
goods of the growth of any of his Majestie's Colonyes, you 
are carefully to examine whether such ship had before 
lading, giuen bond according to law, and in case she had 
giuen no bond, then you are to make seizure of her and 
her lading according to lawe. And if it appeare she has 
giuen bond, you are to examine whither such bond was to 
come to England, Wales, or Berwick only, or to goe to 
England, Wales, or Berwick, or to some other of his 
Majestie's plantations, (formes of which bonds will be here- 
with deliuered to you), and, in case her bond w-as giuen 
to come to England, Wales, or Berwick only, you are to 
forbid her to vnload with you; and in case, (notwithstand- 
ing thereof) she shall putt any of the said goods on shoare, 
you are to keepe an exact account, and take good proof 
upon oath, of the quantity and qualitie of the said goods 
put on shoare, and transmit the same to vs, that we may 
take care for the suing and recouering the penalty and for- 
feiture of the bond giuen for such ship; and in case such 
bond was giuen in any of his Majestie's plantations, you 
are also with the first conveniency to giue notice, and the 
proof thereof to the Gouernor of such plantation and our 
Collector there, that they may take care for the speedy 
putting such bond in suit; but if her bond was to come to 
England, Wales, or Berwick, or to some of his Majestie's 
plantations in such case, you are to permit her to vnlade, 
examining the certificates from our officers, in the place 
where she laded, whereby to satisfie yourselfe, that his 
Majestie's duties were payd for the same, according to the 
aforesaid act of the 25th of the King; and in case it shall 
appeare that such ship hath any of the goods for which his 
Majestie's customes are not payd, you are to make seizure 
thereof, according to the lawes and rules for collecting his 
Majestie's customes in England. 

7. You are to take notice, that the payment of the re- 
spective rates imposed by the Act of the 25th yeare of the 
King, vpon the several plantation Commodities therein 
named, that shall be shipped or laden on board any ship 
or vessel, (for which bond shall not be first giuen, to bring 
the same to England, Wales, or Berwick only), doth not 
giue liberty to carry the same afterwards to any other 

Instructions to Edward Randolph, Esq. 133 

place, than to some of his Majestie's plantations, or to 
England, Wales, or Berwick, and that notwithstanding the 
payment of the said duties, they are to giue bond to carry 
all the said goods to England, Wales, or Berwick, or to 
some of his Majestie's plantations, and not to be permitted 
to be laden vntil such bond giuen as is directed in the next 
preceding instruction. 

8. And because there is no duty imposed by the said 
act vpon such ships, for which bond shall before lading be 
giuen to come to England, Wales, or Berwick only, you 
are to take spetiall care that none of the said goods which 
shall be pretended for any of the shipping bound to Eng- 
land, Wales, or Berwick, be vnder that colour stolen on 
board ships bound elsewhere, that haue not giuen bond as 
aforesaid, and so evade the Duties Chargeable by this Act 
to which end it will be necessary not only frequently to 
Visit all Ships or Vessells which haue not given bond as 
aforesaid, to come to England, Wales, or Berwick only, 
but allso where you find it necessary to put men on board 
such ships or vessells, to take an accompt of all goods laden 
on board them, and if anye of the aforesaid sorts of goods 
shall be found on board for which is noe warrant, you are 
to seize and prosecute the same according to law. 

9. You are to take notice, that if the duties appointed by 
the act of the 25th of the king and certifyed to haue been 
payd before the said goods were brought into New England ; 
in such case, there is nothing more to be payd for the same, 
neither vpon their landing in New England, nor vpon theire 
shipping out againe, but in case any thereof shall be ship- 
ped out, you are to take care that the ship doe first giue 
sufficient bond with one surety as aforesaid, to carry the 
same to England, Wales, or Berwick only, or to England, 
Wales, or Berwick, or some other of his- Majestie's planta- 
tions aforesaid. 

10. You are to keep exact accompts of all moneys by 
you received, or goods in lieu thereof, for his Majestie's 
customs, or vpon the accompt of seizures and forfeitures 
of ship or goods, and to make perfect inventory thereof 
into a booke to be kept for that purpose, with the names 
of the respective merchants entering the same with the 
Ship's names and their Masters, and the burthen of the 


134 Instructions to Edward Randolph, Esq. 

Vessells, and to what place bound, — and you are to take 
espetiall care to inform yourselfe rightly the true names 
of the Vessells and their Masters, because many falacies 
haue been committed and fraud practiced by changing 
their names, and obtruding ficticious names. 

11. You are to vse youre vtmost endeauors to collect 
the duty in money, and not in goods, and what of neces- 
sity you must take in goods, you are to endeauor to sell to 
the best aduantage, and you are to remit the money you 
shall receiue for the said dutyes, by good bills of exchange 
or in ready money, to Richard Kent, Esq., his Majestie's 
receiuer generall and cashier of his customes, or to there- 
ceiuer generall and cashier of his Majestie's customes, for 
the time being, residing in London, and to send duplicates 
of such bills of exchange to vs. And such goods as you 
cannot dispose of, you are to ship at the best conuenience 
and cheapest rates, and to consigne them to Gay Mole- 
worth, Esq., his Majestie's Warehouse keeper in the Port 
of London, or to the warehouse keeper in the same port, 
for the time being, and you are to send duplicates of the 
enuoyces of all such goods. 

12. You are at the end of every six months, videlicet, 
the 25th March, and the 29th of September in euery year, 
to make vp a general accompt of all the whole manage- 
ment of this business, and by the first opportunety of ship- 
ping send the same to vs together with your accompt cur- 
rent, and the ballance thereof either in moneye, bills or 
Goods, directed or consygned as aforesaid, and duplicates 
thereof by some other Ship, for fear of miscarriage. 

13. And for the further aduantage of his Majestie's ser- 
uice and reuenue of Customes in this Kingdome, you are 
to informe yourselfe whether the following Lawes relating 
to the Plantation trade, as to so much thereof as is to be 
performed within the seuerall Collonyes of New England, 
bee put in effectuall execution; videlicet, the Act of Naui- 
gation made in the 12th yeare of his Majestie's Reigne, — 
the Act for regulating the Plantation trade made in the 
22d and 23d yeares of his Majestie's Reigne, — the Act for 
encouragement of Trade made in the 15th yeare of his 
Majestie's Reigne, particularly for all Ships and Vessells 
that shall proceed to any of the Colonyes of New England 


Instructions to Edward Randolph, Esq. 135 

from this kingdome, the dominion of Wales or towhe of 
Berwick vpon Tweed, whether Certificate be produced to 
the Gouenours of the respective Colonyes, or some person 
appointed by them to receiue the same from some Custome 
house of England, Wales, or Berwick, vnder the hands and 
Seales of the Customer, or patent Collector and Comp- 
troller, or their Deputies, or the hand of the Commission 
Collector, or his Deputy, or two of them, that such Ship 
or Vessell hath giuen bond according to Lawe in the Port 
from whence she sayled, that in case she shall lade any of 
the Commodities, enumerated by those Lawes, the same 
shall be by such Ship brought to some Port of England, 
Wales, or Berwick, and there put on Shoare, and for such 
Ships or Vessells which shall come to your Plantation 
from any other port or place, which are by Lawe permitted 
to trade there, whither sufficient bond with one suretie, if 
giuen to the said Gouenour, orwhomeheappointes to receiue 
the same with condition that such Ship or Vessell shall 
bring all such of the said Goods or Commodities as she 
shall lade to England, Wales or Berwick only, or to Eng- 
land, Wales, or Berwick or some other of his Majestie's 
Plantations, and if contrary hearevnto, such Ship shall lade 
any of the said Commodities before such Certificate pro- 
duced, or bond giuen as aforesaid, you are to take care 
that she be seized and prosecuted according to the said 
Act of Nauigation, and the Act for regulating the Planta- 
tion trade, and you are to vse your vtmost Care that the 
securities that are taken by the respective Gouernours in 
New England be of some sufficient, able persons and inhabi- 
tants of that Countrey, and you are not to permitt any Ship 
to load any of the enumerated Goods in any of his Majestie's 
Colonyes in New England, vpon anye Certificate of bond 
haueing been giuen in Ireland, but in that case before they 
lade anye of the said Plantation Commodities they are to 
giue bond to the Gouernour, or Deputy Gouernour of the 
respectiue Colonyes of New England, in which such Ship 
is with good security as aforesaid, and for the better auoyd- 
ing false and counterfeit Certificates, you are to admit of 
noe Certificate of any Ships haueing giuen bond, nor of anye 
Ships haueing discharged her lading in England, Wales, or 
Berwick, but such as shall com^ to you vnder the hand 

136 Instructions to Edward Randolph, Esq, 

and seale of the Customer, or Patent Collector and 
Comptroller, or their Deputyes, or the hand of the Com- 
mission Collector, or his Deputy, or two of them of the 
Port where they gaue bond or unladed respectiuely, we 
haueing required the said respectiue officers, both in the 
Port of London, and the out ports, to signe and seale such 
Certificates accordingly, and we herewith deliuer to you 
one of each of the Impressions for each Colonye in New 
England, for the better detecting of svch fraud. 

14. You are to take notice, that although by the Act of 
Navigation, the word Ireland is inserted in the condition of 
the bond with England, Wales, or Berwick, and permission 
thereby giuen to bring the Plantation Commodities to Ire- 
land as well as England, &c. Yet by the Act for better 
regulating the Plantation Trade, the word Ireland is wholly 
repealed, and the condition of all such bond must be to 
bring theire respectiue ladings to England, Wales, or Ber- 
wick only, or to England, Wales, or Berwick, or some of 
his Majestie's Plantations. 

15. You are carefully to inform yourselfe whether anye 
of the commqdities of the growth, production or manufac- 
ture of Europe are imported into any of the Colonyes in 
New England, other than such as shall be brought directly 
from this Kingdome, the dominion of Wales, or town of 
Berwick, and in such shipping and soe nauigated as by 
Lawe is directed, except Wine shipped or laden in the 
Medeiras or Western Islands, or Azores, of the growth of 
either of them, — seruants and horses shipped and taken in 
in Scotland or Ireland of the growth or production thereof 
respectiuely in Ships qualified and nauigated as aforesaid, 
and you are to be the more carefull in regard to the French 
trade, as to the principall commodities thereof with England 
is prohibited, and therefore that endeavours will be vsed 
to furnish the Plantations therewith by indirect waves and 
means, and if any Ship or Vessell shall import any other 
commodities of the growth, production, or manufacture of 
Europe of which due proofe shall not be made that they 
were shipped and laden in some port of England, Wales, 
or Berwick, the same Ship or Vessell, is forfeited with her 
guns, tackle, apparell, &c. : and also all such European 
commodities which you are to take care be seized and pro- 
secuted according to Lawe and his Majestie's Proclamation, 

Instructions to Edward Randolph, Esq. 137 

pursuant therevnto of the 24th Nouember, in the twenty- 
seventh yeare of his Majestie's reign ; (Copy whereof we 
herewith deliver to you), and you are to vse your vtmost 
diligence so as those matters be managed according there- 
vnto, and to giue vs notice of any failure therein. 

16. And for the preuention of fraud, you are further to 
inform yourselfe whether any Ship or Vessell coming to 
any of the Colonyes in New England, lade or vnlade any 
commoditie whatsoeuer, vntill the Master or Commander 
thereof shall first haue made known to the Gouernour, or 
Deputy Gouernour of such Colony, or whome he shall ap- 
point to that purpose, the arriuall of such Ship or Vessell, 
with her name and the sirname of the Master, and have 
sheued him that she is an English built Vessell, or other- 
wise quallifyed and nauegated as aforesaid, and to deliuer 
to him, a true and perfect inuentory of her lading, together 
with the place or places where such Goods were taken in. 

17. And for the better preuention of Ships trading in 
his Majestie's Colonyes in New England, which by Lawe 
ought not to trade there, and for preuenting the importa- 
tion of European Goods thither, contrarye to Lawe, and 
also for preuenting Ships laden with the enumerated Plan- 
tation commodities going to Scotland or Ireland, or anye 
other parts, but to England, Wales, or Berwick, or to some 
other of his Majestie's Plantations, — you are with your Ac- 
compt which you are to send to vs euery six months, to 
transmit to vs also an Accompt of each Vessell, that during 
such six months hath entered inwards and outwards in the 
respectiue Colonyes in New England, according to the 
forme herewith deliuered to you. 

18. In all cases where bond hath been giuen by anye 
Ship or Vessell to the Gouernour, or Deputy Gouernour, 
in anye of his Majestie's Colonyes in New England. If you 
can discouer and make proof that anye such Ship or Vessell 
hath discharged her Lading contrary to her bond, or that 
a conuenient time hath passed in expectation of the returne 
of a certificate, after vnlading, according to tenor of her 
bond, and that noe certificate is returned, you are to take 
care that the bond be put in process, and if a certificate 
be produced, you are well and carefully to examine such 
certificate as aforesaid. 

138 Instructions to Edward Randolph, Esq. 

19. You shall, after Lady Day in every yeare, giue vs 
an Accompt what Commodities andJManufacture are rays- 
ed and made in his Majestie's seuerall Colonyes in New 
England, and what Ships and Vessells doe belong to each 
of the said Colonyes, with their respective burthens, and 
to what Townes or Places they belong, and what nature, 
videlicit, whether Ships, Pinckes, Ketches, &c. : broad 
stern or narrow stearn, forecastle or noe forecastle, Eng- 
lish built or foreign built, and what trade or trades to sea, 
are principally driven in each of the said Colonyes. 

Ed. Dering, 
Ch. Cheyne, 
G. Downing. 

Custome House, London, 
9th July, 1678. 

[About to introduce the Commission to Sir Edmund Andros, we would 
remark, that few events in our Colonial History, were regarded by our 
fathers with more intense anxiety, than the changes produced in .their po- 
litical concerns, by the administrations of Dudley and Andros. On the 
15th of May, 1686, the Rose Frigate arrived with a commission from James 
II, for the former of these two persons, as President of Massachusetts, 
New Hampshire, Maine, and Narraganset. On the succeeding Decem- 
ber 20th, the latter landed in Boston, and published his commission from 
the same monarch. This instrument gave him jurisdiction over the 
territory, just mentioned, with the addition of the Plymouth Colony. In 
a few days, it was applied to Rhode Island, and, the next year, to Con- 
necticut. Under its authority, Sir Edmund subverted the foundations of 
our Charter government, and exhibited the spirit of his Royal Master in 
acts, which were considered exceedingly oppressive by a large majority 
of the Colonists. It served as the chief Constitutional law for New Eng- 
land, — till it was succeeded by another in 1688, which was so extended 
as to embrace New York and New Jersey. And even when thus 
formally nullified, its influence lived, and its effects were widely 
realized. It was the stimulus, by which Andros pursued the course, that 
brought him to the overthrow of a sudden Revolution on the 18th of 
April, 1689. Thus connected with vicissitudes and relations of no 
ordinary character, as to the past condition and experience of our 
country, we have thought it desirable for such a document, to hold a 
place among the pages of our Collections. Pub. Com.] 


James the Second, by the grace of God, King of England, 
Scotland, France, and Ireland, Defender of the Faith, fyc. 
To our trusty and wet beloved Sir Edmund Andros, Knight, 

Whereas the Government of that part of our Territory 
and Dominion of New England, hereafter mentioned, is 
now in our hands, and being minded to give all protection 
and incouragement to our good subiects therein, and to 
provide in the most effectual manner, for their security and 
welfare ; We therefore, reposing especial trust and confi- 
dence in the prudence, courage and loyalty of you, the said 
Sir Edmund Andros, out of our especial grace, certain 
knowledge, and meer motion, have thought fit to constitute 
and appoint, and by these presents do constitute and ap- 
point you, the said Sir Edmund Andros, to be our Captain 
General, and Governour in Chief in and over all that 
our Territory and Dominion of New England in America, 
commonly called or known by the name of our Colony of 
the Massachusetts Bay, our Colony of New Plimouth, and 
our Provinces of New Hampshire and Main, the Narra- 
ganset Countrey, otherwise called the King's Province, 
with all the Islands, Rights, and Members to the said 
Colonies and Territories in any wise appertaining. And 
for your better guidance and direction, we do hereby re- 
quire and command you to do and execute all things in 
due manner, that shal belong to the said office, and the 
trust we have reposed in you, according to the several 
powers, instructions, and authorities mentioned in these 
presents, or such further powers, instructions and authori- 
ties, as you shal herewith receiv, or which shal at any time 
hereafter be granted or appointed you, under our Signet 
and Sign manual, or by order in our Privy Council, and 
according to such reasonable Laws and Statutes as are 
now in force, or such others as shal be hereafter made and 

140 Commission to Sir Edmund Andros. 

established within that our Territory and Dominion afore- 
said. And our wil and pleasure is, that you, the said Sir 
Edmund Andros, having (after your arrival in New Eng- 
land, and publication of these our Letters Patents) first 
taken the oath of Allegiance, together with the oath of 
duly executing the office of our Captain General and 
Governour in chief of our said Territory and Dominion, 
(which our Council there, or any three of them, are here- 
by required, authorized and impowered to give and admin- 
ister unto you), you shal administer unto each of the Mem- 
bers of our Council, as well the oath of allegiance, as the 
oath of the due execution of their places and trust. And 
we do hereby give and grant unto you ffu! power and 
authority, to suspend any member of our Council, from 
sitting, voting and assisting therein, as you shal find iust 
cause for your so doing. And if it shal hereafter at any 
time happen, that by the death, departure out of our said 
Territory, or suspension of any of our Counsellors, or that 
otherwise there shal be a vacancy in our said Council, (any 
five whereof we do hereby appoint to be a Quorum), our 
wil and pleasure is, that you signify the same unto us by 
the first opportunity, that we may, under our Signet and 
Sign manual, constitute and appoint others in their room : 
but that our affairs at that distance may not suffer for want 
of a due number of counsellors, if ever it shal happen that 
there are less than seven of them residing upon the place, 
we do hereby give and grant unto you, fful power and 
authority, to choose as many persons out of the principal 
inhabitants thereof, as wil make up the fful number of our 
Council to be seven, and no more ; which persons, by 
vertue of such choice, shal be to all intents and purposes, 
our Counsellors within our said Territory, until they be 
confirmed by us, or that by nomination of others by us, 
under our Sign manual and Signet, the said Council shal 
have seven persons in it. And we do hereby give and 
grant unto you fful power and authority, by and with the 
advice and consent of our said Council, or ye maior part 
of them, to make, constitute, and ordain Laws, Statutes 
and Ordinances, for ye public peace, welfare and good 
government of our said Territory and Dominion, and of 
the people and inhabitants thereof, and such others as 

Commission to Sir Edmund Andros. 141 

shal resort thereto, and for the benefit of us, our heirs 
and successors, which said Laws, Statutes and Ordinances, 
are to be as near as conveniently may be, agreeable to the 
Laws and Statutes of this our Kingdome of England. Por- 
vided, that all such Laws, Statutes and Ordinances, of what 
nature or duration soever, be within three months, or soon- 
I er, after the making of the same, transmitted unto us under 
our seal of New England, for our allowance or disappro- 
bation of them ; as also duplicates thereof by the next con- 
veyance. And we do by these presents give and grant 
unto you, fFul power and authority, by and with the advice 
and consent of our said Council, or the maior part of them, 
to impose and assess, and raise and levy such Rates and 
Taxes, as you shal find necessary for the support of the 
I government within our Territory and Dominion of New 
j England, to be collected and levied, and to be imployed 
I to the uses aforesaid, in such manner as to you and our said 
Council, or the maior part of them, shal seem most equal 
I and reasonable. And for the better supporting the charge 
1 of the government of our said Territory and Dominion, our 
| wil and pleasure is, and we do by these presents authorize 
I and require you, the said Sir Edmund Andros, and our said 
| Council, to continue such taxes and impositions as are now 
I laid and imposed upon the inhabitants thereof, and to levy 
I and distribute, or cause the same to be levied and distrib- 
I uted to those ends, in the best and most equal manner, 
I until you shal by and with the advice and consent of our 
I Council, agree on, and setle such other taxes, as shal be 
I sufficient for the support of our Government thereof, which 
I are to be applied to that use and no other. And our fur- 
I ther wil and pleasure is, that all public money raised or to 
| be raised or appointed for the support of the Government 
| within our said Territory and Dominion, be issued out by 
| warrant or order from you, by and with the advice and 
| consent of our Council, as aforesaid. And our wil and 
I pleasure is, that you shal and may keep and use our Seal 
I appointed or to be appointed by us for our said Territory 
I and Dominion. And we do further give and grant unto 
I; you, the said Sir Edmund Andros, fful power and authority, 
I from time to time, and at any time hereafter, by yourself, 
I or by any other to be authorized by you, in that behalf, to 

142 Commission to Si?' Edmund Andros, 

administer and give the oath of allegiance now established 
within this our Realm of England, to all and every such 
person as you shal think fit, or such as shal at any time 
or times pass into our said Territory, or shal be resident 
or abiding there. And we do by these presents ordain, 
con'stitute and appoint our Governor and Council of our 
said Territory and Dominion for the time being, to be a 
constant and setled Court of Record for the administration 
of justice to all our subiects inhabiting within our said 
Territory and Dominion, in all causes as wel civil as crim- 
inal, with ful power and authority to hold pleas in all cases 
from time to time, as wel in pleas of the Crown, and in 
all matters relating to the conservation of the peace, and 
punishment of offenders, as in civil causes or actions be- 
tween party and party, or between us and any of our sub- 
iects there, whether the same do concern the realty, and 
relate to any right of freehold and inheritance, or whether 
the same do concern the personalty, and relate to matter 
of debt, contract, damage, or other personal iniury : and 
also in all mixt actions, which may concern both realty and 
personalty; and thereinafter due and orderly proceeding 
and deliberate hearing of both sides, to give judgment, 
and to award execution, as wel in criminal as in civil cases, 
as aforesaid : so always, that the forms of proceedings in 
such cases, and the judgments thereupon to be given, be 
as consonant and agreeable to the Laws and Statutes of 
this our Realm of England, as the present state and con- 
dition of our subjects, inhabiting within our said Territory 
and Dominion, and circumstances of the place wil admit. 
And we do further, hereby give and grant unto you, fful 
power and authority, with the advice and consent of our 
said Council, to erect, constitute and establish, such and 
so many Courts of Judicature and public justice within our 
said Territory and Dominion, as you and they shal think 
n't and necessary for the determination of all causes, as wel 
criminal as civil, according to Law and Equity, and for 
awarding of execution thereupon, with all reasonable and 
and necessary powers, authorities, ffees and privileges, 
belonging unto them ; as also to appoint and commissionate 
fit persons in the several parts of our said Territory, to 
administer the oath of allegiance unto such as shal be 

Commission to Sir Edmund Andros. 143 

obliged to take the same. And we do hereby grant unto 
you fful power and authority, to constitute and appoint 
Judges, and in cases requisites, Commissioners of Oyer 
and Terminer, Justices of the peace, Sherifs, and all other 
necessary officers and ministers within our said Territory, 
for the beeter administration of justice, and putting the 
Laws in execution ; and to administer such oath and oaths 
as are usually given for the due execution and performance 
of offices and places, and for the clearing of truth in judi- 
cial causes. And our further wil and pleasure is, and we 
do hereby declare, that all actings and proceedings at 
Law or Equity, heretofore had or done, or now depending 
within any of the Courts of our said Territory, and all 
executions thereupon be hereby confirmed and continued, 
so far forth as not to be avoided for want or defect of any 
legal power in the said Courts ; but that all and every 
such judicial actings, proceedings and executions, shal be 
of the same force, effect and vertue, as if such Courts had 
acted by a iust and legal authority. And we do further 
by these presents wil and require you, to permit appeals 
to be made, in cases of error, from our Courts in our said 
Territory and Dominion of New England, unto our Gov- 
ernor and Council in civil causes ; provided the value 
appealed for, do exceed the sum of one hundred pounds 
sterling, and that security be first duly given by the appel- 
lant, to answer such charges as shal be awarded in case 
the first sentence shall be affirmed. And whereas we iudg 
it necessary, that all our subiects may have liberty to ap- 
peal to our Royal person, in cases that may require the 
same, our wil and pleasure is, that if either party shal not 
rest satisfied with ye judgment or sentence of our Gov- 
ernor and Council, they may then appeal unto us in our 
Privy Council, provided the matter in difference exceed 
the real value and sum of three hundred pounds sterling • 
and that such appeal be made within one ffortnight after 
sentence; and that security be likewise given by the appel- 
lant, to answer such charges as shal be awarded in case 
the sentence of the Governor and Council shal be con- 
firmed, and provided also, that execution be not suspended 
by reason of any such appeal unto us. And we do hereby 
give and grant unto you, fful power and authority, where 

144 Commission to Sir, Edmund Andros. 

you shal see cause, and shal iudg any offender or offenders 
in capital and criminal matters, or for any ffines or forfeit- 
ures due unto us, fit obiects of our mercy, to pardon all 
such offenders, and to remit such ffines and forfeitures ; 
(treasons and wilful murder only excepted.) In which 
cases, you shal likewise have power, upon extraordinary 
occasions, to grant reprievs to the offenders therein, until, 
and to ye intent our pleasure may be further known. And 
we do hereby give and grant unto you, the said Sir Edmund 
Andros, by yourself, your Captains and Commanders by 
you to be authorized, fful power and authority to levy, 
arm, muster, command, or imploy all persons whatsoever, 
residing within our said Territory and Dominion of New 
England, and as occasion shal serv them, to transfer from 
one place to another, for the resisting and withstanding all 
enemies, pirates and rebels, both at land and sea, and to 
transfer such ftbrces to any of our plantations in America, 
as occasion shal require, for ye defence of the same, 
against the invasion or attempts of any of our enemies, 
and them, if occasion shal require, to pursue and prose- 
cute, in or out of the limits of our said Territory and 
Plantations, or any of them ; and, if it shal so please God, 
them to vanquish, and being taken, either according to the 
Law of arms, to put to death, or to keep and reserve alive 
at your discretion : as also to execute Martial Law in time 
of invasion, insurrection, or war, and during the continu- 
ance of the same, and upon souldiers in pay ; and to do 
and execute all and every other thing which to a Captain 
General doth, or ought of right to belong, as fully and 
amply as any our Captain General doth, or hath usually 
done. And we do hereby give and grant unto you, fful 
power and authority, to erect, raise and build, within our 
said Territory and Dominion aforesaid, such and so many 
fforts, platforms, castles, cities, burroughs, towns and forti- 
fications, as you shal iudg necessary ; and the same, or 
any of them, to fortify and furnish with ordinance, ammu- 
nition, and all sorts of arms fit and necessary for ye secu* 
rity and defence of our said Territory ; and the same 
again, or any of them, to demolish or dismantle, as may 
be most convenient. And we do hereby give and grant 
unto you, the said Sir Edmund Andros, fful power and 

Commission to Sir Edmund Andros. 145 

authority, to erect one or more Court or Courts Admiral, 
within our said Territory and Dominion, for the hearing 
and determining of all marine and other causes and matters 
proper therein to be heard and determined, with all reason- 
able and necessary powers, authorities, ffees and privi- 
leges. And you are to execute all powers belonging to 
the place and office of Vice Admiral of and in all the seas 
and coasts about your Government, according to such 
commission, authority and instructions, as you shal receiv 
from ourself under the seal of our admiralty, or from our 
High Admiral of our plantations, for ye time being. And 
forasmuch as divers mutinies and disorders do happen by 
persons shipped and imployed at sea, and to ye end that 
such as shal be shipped or imployed at sea, may be the 
better governed and ordered ; we do hereby give and grant 
unto you, the said Sir Edmund Andros, our Captain Gen- 
eral and Governor in Chief, fful power and authority to 
constitute and appoint captains, masters of ships and other 
commanders, and to grant unto such captains, masters of 
ships and other commanders, Commissions to execute the 
Law Martial, and to use such proceedings, authorities, 
punishments, correction and execution, upon any offender 
or offenders, that shal be mutinous, seditious, disorderly, 
or any way unruly, either at sea, or during the time of 
their abode or residence in any of the ports, harbours, or 
bays of our said Territory and Dominion, as ye cause shal 
be found to require, according to Martial Law. Provided, 
that nothing herein contained, shal be construed to the 
enabling you, or any by your authority, to hold plea or 
have jurisdiction of any offence, cause, matter or thing, 
committed or done upon the seas, or within any of the 
havens, rivers or creeks, of our said Territory and Do- 
i minion under your Government, by any Captain, Com- 
Imander, Lieutenant, Master, or other Officer, Seaman, 
jSouldier, or person whatsoever, who shal be in actual ser- 
vice and pay, in and on board any of our ships of war, or 
-other vessels acting by immediate Commission or Warrant 
ifrom ourself, under Seal of our Admiralty, or from our 
High Admiral of the time being ; but that such captain, 
(commander, lieutenant, master, officer, seaman, souldier, 
jand other person so offending, shal be left to be proceeded 

146 Commission to Sir Edmund Andros. 

against and tried, as the merit of their offences shal re- 
quire, either by Commission under our Great Seal of 
England, as the Statute of the twenty-eighth of Henry the 
Eighth directs, or by Commissioners from our High Court 
of Admiralty, according to the Act of Parliament, passed 
in the thirteenth year of the Reign of the late King, our 
most dear and most intirely beloved brother of ever blessed 
memory, intituled an Act for ye establishing articles and 
orders for ye regulating and better Government of his 
Majestie's Navies, Ships of War, and fforces by sea, and 
not otherwise : saving only, that it shal and may be lawful 
for you, upon any such Captain or Commanders refusing 
or neglecting to execute, or upon his negligence or undue 
execution of any of the written Orders he shal receiv from 
you, for our service, and the service of our said Territory 
and Dominion, to suspend him the said Captain or Com- 
mander, from the exercise of his said office of Commander, 
and commit him into safe custody, either on board his own 
ship, or elsewhere, at the discretion of you, in order to 
his being brought to answer for the same, by Commission 
either under our Great Seal of England, or from our said 
High Admiral as is before expressed : in which case our 
wil and pleasure is, that the Captain or Commander so by 
you suspended, shal during such his suspension and com- 
mitment, be succeeded in his said Office by such Com- 
mission, or Warrant Officer of our said ship, appointed by 
ourself or our High Admiral of England for the time being, 
as by the known practice and discipline of our Navy doth 
and ought next to succeed him, as in case of death, sickness, 
or other ordinary disability happening to the Commander 
of any of our ships, and not otherwise : you standing also 
accountable to us, for the truth and importance of the 
crimes and misdemeanours, for which you shal so proceed 
to ye suspending of such, our said Captain and Com- 
mander. Provided, that all disorders and misdemeanours 
committed on shore by any Captain, Commander, Lieu- 
tenant, Master or other Officer, Seaman, Souldier, or per- 
son whatsoever, belonging to any of our ships of war, or 
other vessels acting by immediate Commission or Warrant 
from ourself under ye Seal of our Admiralty, or from our 
High Admiral of England, for ye time being, may be 

Commission to Sir Edmund Andros. 147 

tried and punished according to ye Laws of the place, 
where any such disorders, offences and misdemeanors shal 
be so committed on shore, notwithstanding such offender 
be in our actual service, and born in our pay on board any 
such our Ships of War, or other vessels acting by imme- 
diate Commission or Warrant from ourself or our High 
Admiral as aforesaid : so as he shal not receiv any protec- 
tion for ye avoiding of justice, for such offences committed 
on shore, from any pretence of his being imployed in our 
service at sea. And we do likewise give and grant unto 
you, fful power and authority, by and with the advice and 
consent of our said Council, to agree with the planters and 
inhabitants of our said Territory and Dominion, concern- 
ing such lands, tenements and hereditaments, as now are, 
or hereafter shal be in our power to dispose of; and them 
to grant unto any person or persons for such terms, and 
under such moderate quit-rents, services and acknowledg- 
ments, thereupon to be reserved unto us, as shal be ap- 
pointed by us ; which said grants are to pass and be sealed 
by our Seal of New England, and (being entred upon 
record, by such officer and officers as you shal appoint 
thereunto), shal be good and effectual in Law against us, 
our heirs and successors. And we give you fful power 
and authority, to appoint so many ffairs, marts and mar- 
kets, as you, with the advice of our said Council, shal 
think fit : as likewise to order and appoint within our said 
Territory, such and so many ports, harbours, bays, havens 
and other places, for the convenience and security of ship- 
I ping, and for the better loading and unloading of goods 
and merchandizes, as by you with the advice and consent 
of our Council, shall be thought fit and necessary ; and in 
them or any of them, to erect, nominate and appoint, 
Custom houses, Warehouses, and Officers relating there- 
unto ; and them to alter, change, place or displace from 
j time to time, as with the advice aforesaid, shal be thought 
|| fit. And above all things, we do by these presents wil, 
I require and command you, to take all possible care for the 
I discountenance of vice, and incouragement of vertue and 
good living, that by such example, the infidels may be 
i invited, and desire to partake of the Christian Religion. 
| And for the greater ease and satisfaction of our loving 

148 Commission to Sir Edmund Andros. 

subiects in matters of religion, we do hereby wil and re- 
quire, and command, that liberty of conscience be allowed 
to all persons, and that such especially as shal be conform- 
able to the rites of the Church of England, be particularly 
countenanced and incouraged. And forasmuch as, pursu- 
ant to the laws and customes of our Colony of the Massa- 
chusetts Bay, and of our other Colonies and Provinces 
aforementioned, divers marriages have been made and per- 
formed by the magistrates of our said Territory, our 
Royal wil and pleasure is, hereby to confirm all the said 
marriages, and to direct, that they be held good and valid in 
the same manner to all intents and purposes whatsoever, as 
if they had bin made and contracted according to the Laws 
established within our Kingdome of England. And we do 
hereby require and command all officers and ministers, 
civil and military, and all other inhabitants of our said 
Territory and Dominion, to be obedient, aiding and assist- 
ing to you, the said Sir Edmund Andros, in the execution 
of this our Commission, and of the powers and authorities 
herein mentioned ; and upon your death, or absence out of 
our said Territory, unto the Commander in chief: to whom 
we do therefore by these presents, give and grant all and 
singular, the powers and authorities aforesaid, to be exer- 
cised and inioyed by him during our pleasure, or until your 
arrival within our said Territory and Dominion ; and, if in 
case of such death or absence, there be no person upon the 
place appointed by us, to be Commander in chief; our wil 
and pleasure is, that the then present Council of our Ter- 
ritory aforesaid, do take upon them ye administration of 
the Government, and execute this Commission, and the 
several powers and authorities herein contained, and that 
ye first Counsellor, who shal be at ye time of your death 
or absence, residing within the same, do preside in our 
said Council, with such powers and [preheminences] as any 
former President hath used and inioyed w 7 ithin our said 
Territory, or any other our plantations in America, until 
our pleasure be further known, or your arrival as aforesaid. 
And lastly, our wil and pleasure is, that our Commission 
bearing date the seven and twentieth day of September, in 
the ffirst year of our Reign, constituting our trusty and 
wel beloved Joseph Dudley, Simon Broadstreet, and Wil- 

Commission to Sir Edmund Andros. 149 

liam Stoughton, Esqs., and others, to be our President and 
Council of our Territory and Dominion of New England, 
do, from the publication of these presents, cease and be- 
come void. And that you, the said Sir Edmund Andros, 
shal and may hold, execute and inioy, the office and place 
of our Captain General and Governor in Chief in and over 
our Territory and Dominion aforesaid, with all its rights, 
members and appurtenances whatsoever; together with all 
and singular the powers and authorities hereby granted 
unto you, for and during our wil and pleasure. In witness 
whereof, we have caused these our letters to be made pa- 
tents. Witness ourself at Westminster, the third day of 
June, in the second year of our Reign. * 

Per bre de Privato Sigillo. 


[In copying original documents, we have deemed it proper to follow for the most 
part, the ancient orthography of words; but in the foregoing Commission, the words 
ending in tion and sion, being written con, with a circumflex over the syllable, and 
the Printer not having type with such a mark, or notation, we have given the usual 
spelling. Pub. Com.] 

[The following Papers, relative to the period of Usurpation in New 
England, are on various topics. They constitute but a small part 
of those, which refer to the governments of Dudley and Andros. 
Their value is enhanced by the fact, that they help to form the 
principal documentary history of New England, — which is to be ob- 
tained on this side of the Atlantic. They were left, while the regu- 
lar journals of the Government, were either concealed or destroyed, 
or carried out of the country after the Revolution of 1689. It is however 
some consolation, — that, in view of this lamentable event, copies of 
such journals had been periodically sent to the Plantation office in Lon- 
don, — and that we may yet have transcripts of them returned to our own 
shores. — Pub. Com.] 

* [James the Second began to reign February 6, 1684-5, so that the date of this 
Commission is Jane 3d, 1686.] 






New England, Sc. 
Rex Contra Gould in Sessione Speciali, 19th Aug. 1686. 

The Jurors for our Sovereign Lord, the King, do upon 
their oaths present, that John Gould, sen., otherwise call- 
ed Lieutenant Gould of Topsfield, in the County of Essex, 
husbandman, by force and arms, that is to say, between 
the 23d and 30th of May, in the second year of the reign of 
our Sovereign Lord, &c, being evilly affected against our 
most sacred Lord the King aforesaid, his supreme and na- 
tural Lord, and devising with all his might, and intending 
to disturb the peace and common tranquillity of this his 
Majesty's Territory and Dominion of New England, as 
the same is now settled by his Majesty's Royal Commis- 
sion under his great Seal of England, and the introducing 
again of the late Government dissolved by law, at a Riot- 
ous Muster of armed men gathered together by him, the 
aforesaid John Gould as their pretended officer, at Tops- 
field aforesaid, in the County aforesaid, in the year afore- 
said, he the said John Gould as aforesaid, then and there 
being, did against the duty of his Allegiance, and in terror 
of his Majesty's liege People, maliciously, wickedly, sedi- 
tiously, treasonably, and advisedly, speak and utter these 
malicious, treasonable, and seditious * speeches following, 

* [Hutchinson, 1 v. p. 326, 3d edition, 1795, says, u one John Gold of Topsfield, 
was tried and convicted of treasonable words ; what they were is not mentioned." 
Such words we have in the present document. — Pub. Com] 

Usurpation Papers. 151 

viz. : If the Country was of his mind, they would keep 
Salem Court with the former Magistrates, and if the Coun- 
try would go the Rounds, he would make the first, and 
would go and keep Salem Court, and would have his Com- 
pany down to do it. And, further, he, the said John Gould 
as aforesaid, on or about the 11th day of July, at Tops- 
field aforesaid, in the County aforesaid, in the year afore- 
said, maliciously, advisedly, and treasonably, did, say and 
utter, these malicious, treasonable, and seditious words 
following, viz. : That he was under another Government 
and had sworn to another Government, and did not know 
this Government, and this in manifest contempt of his Ma- 
jesty's laws and Government here in New England, to 
the evil and pernicious example of all others in the like 
case offending, and against the peace of our said Sovereign 
Lord the King, his Crown and dignity. 

John Wild, \ 

John Howe, f TJT ., 

t ^ / witnesses. 

Isaac Cummings, ( 

Ephraim How. ) 

Boston, Sc. 

To the Keeper of his Majesty's Jail in Boston. 

The President of his Majesty's Territory and Dominion 
of New England, with the Deputy President and others of 
his Majesty's Council, in Council assembled, the 5th day 
of August, 1686, having received information upon the 
oaths of Isaac Cummings, John Wild and John How, of 
several treasonable and seditious words, spoken by John 
Gould of Topsfield, against our Sovereign Lord the King, 
&ic. These are, therefore, in his Majesty's name, to re- 
quire you to take into your Custody the body of the said 
John Gould, and him safely keep until he shall be deliv- 
ered by due course of Law, and for so doing this shall be 
your warrant, given at the Council House in Boston, the 
said 5th day of August, Anno Dom. 1686, Anno que, R. R. 
Jacobi Dei Gratia Anglise, &c. — secundi. 

Vera Copia. 

Ed. Randolph, Sec. 

152 Usurpation Papers. 


By the President and Council of his Majesty' s Territory and 
Dominion of New England. 

Upon reading the petition of John Gould, now prisoner 
in the Jail of Boston, desiring liberty of the Prison yard 
to walk in, by reason of his indisposition of body. It is 

That the Prison keeper do permit the said John Gould, 
to have the benefit of the Prison yard, to walk in during 
his sickness, (the keeper taking care the said Gould make 
not an escape), till further order. 

Ed. Randolph, Sec'ry. 

Council House, Boston, ) 
August 12, 1686. \ 


Rex versus Gould. A bill of costs at a special court of 
Oyer and Terminer, holden in Boston, for his Majesty's 
Territory and Dominion of New England. 

Aug. 19th, 1686. 

The Judge's fee, £1,00,00. 

Drawing the Indictment, 0,02,06. 

Filing the Indictment, 0,01,00. 

Taking 4 Recognizances in Court, . . . 0,08,00. 

Filing the same, 0,01,00. 

For the venire facias to the Justice and Mar- 
shal, 0,02,00. 

For reading the Evidences, No. 4, , . . 0,01,00. 

For taking and entering the verdicts, . . . 0,02,00. 

For entering the Judgment, 0,02,00. 

For the Discharge, 0,02,00. 

The Attorney General's fee, for pleading on 

the indictment, 1,10,00. 

Ipswich Court Charges, 0,17,06. 

Charges of witnesses at Boston, .... 2,12,00. 

Paid in Court to 4 persons, 1,00,00. 

Marshal Green's Journey, 2,00,00. 


Usurpation Papers. 153 


To the honourable, the President and Council of his Majesty's 
Territory and Dominion of New England. 

The humble petition of John Gould humbly sheweth, 

That your petitioner shall ever pray for your Honour's 
prosperity, as in duty bound, for your favourable answer 
to his late petition ; which, if he were able, he would 
readily embrace without further troubling your honours ; 
but his fortune being very inconsiderable and that incum- 
bered ; and being uncapable to get a penny toward the 
support of his wife and eight children. He, therefore, 
most humbly prays, that your honours will be pleased to 
take his deplorable condition into further consideration, 
(he being heartily sorry for the idle words he uttered) that, 
on his payment of twenty pounds, fees of Court, and giving 
sufficient security for his good behaviour, he may be freed 
from his imprisonment. And your petitioner, as in duty 
bound, shall ever pray, &c. 

John Gould. 

Ordered, that upon the petitioner's payment of the sum 
of twenty pounds to the Treasurer, and Prison fees and 
fees of Prosecution, that he be discharged his imprisonment 
upon giving bond for his good behaviour. 

Ed. Randolph, Secretary. 

Aug. 15, 1686. 


By the President and Council of his Majesty's Territory and 
Dominion of New England. 

Upon reading the petition of John Gould, and consider- 
ing the poverty of his family, it is ordered, 

That upon the payment of Fifty Pounds in money, and 
charges of Prosecution, the remainder of his fine be respited 
and he be released of his imprisonment, he giving bonds 
for his good behaviour, according to order of Court. 

Ed. Randolph, Secretary. 

Aug. 25th, 1686. 

154 Usurpation Papers. 


Know all men by these presents, that I, John Gould 
senior, otherwise called Lieutenant Gould, of Topsfield, in 
the county of Essex (in his Majesty's Territory and Do- 
minion of New England), husbandman, am holden and 
firmly bound unto the most Illustrious Prince, James II, of 
England, &c, King &c, his heirs, or lawful Attorney in 
the sum of one hundred pounds, to the which payment, 
well and truly to be made, I bind myself firmly by these 
presents, sealed with my seal, dated the twenty-fifth day 
of September, in the 2d year of the reign of our said Sov- 
ereign Lord, James II of England, &c, and in the year of 
our Lord, one thousand six hundred eighty and six. The 
condition of this obligation is such, that if the above bound- 
en John Gould senior, do well and truly keep the peace 
of our Sovereign Lord, the King aforesaid, and shall, also, 
be of good behavior towards our said Lord, the King, and 
all his liege people, especially to the inhabitants of Tops- 
field aforesaid, then this recognizance to be void and of 
none effect, or otherwise to be and remain in full force, 
power and virtue. 

John Gould, Senior. 

Signed, sealed and delivered to the use of our said Sov- 
ereign Lord, the King, in the presence of Benjamin Bulli- 


Letter from Edward Randolph to the Lord Treasurer. 
Boston in New England, Aug. 23, 1686. 

May it please your Lordship, 

By the blessing of God and your Lordship's favour, I 
have performed his Majesty's commands, and brought this 
people to a nearer dependence upon the Crown. I have 
likewise served 2 writs of Quo Warranto, upon the other 
2 Colonies of Connecticut and Rhode Island, who are pre- 
paring to make their humble submission to his Majesty. 

Usurpation Papers. 155 

But unless his Majesty please, in a very short time, to 
send us over a General Governor from England, all that is 
already done, will be of little advantage to his Majesty's 
interest. The independent faction still prevails, and per- 
sons of dangerous principles from England, Ireland and 
other places, are here received and highly encouraged. 
They have put Captain Blackwell Oliver, treasurer in 
London, son in law to Lambert, excepted in the Act of 
Indemnity, and a violent Commonwealth's man, to be of 
the commission of the peace, and a man consulted with in 
all public affairs. The independent ministers and others, 
make every ill use of his Majesty's indulgence and liberty 
of conscience, some of them have spoken treasonable words 
in their pulpits, of which (to no purpose) I have complained 
to the President and Council, so that I am humbly of 
opinion, that liberty of conscience will much obstruct the 
settlement of this place, unless duly regulated by the au- 
thority of a prudent Governor sent hither. Your Lord- 
ship may please to remember, that this commission was 
but temporary, and served only to unhinge the Common- 
wealth, which, for many years, was usurped and managed 
by a faction. All the members of the present Council, 
Mr. Mason and myself excepted, are either Church mem- 
bers, or strong abettors of that party, and even Mr. Dudly, 
our President, was not long since a zealous preacher 
amongst us, and though, while in London, he pretended 
to be of the Church of England, yet, since he is made 
President, courts and keeps private cabals with these fac- 
tious ministers and others, who, in the time of Monmouth's 
Rebellion, refused to pray for his Majesty. His Majesty 
hath been graciously pleased to make me Secretary of his 
Council here, but the accounts of the late Treasurer and 
whatever relates to the discovery of his Majesty's Rev- 
enue, is kept from my knowledge. The public records, 
and all the grants and settlement of lands in this country, 
[which ought to be lodged in my office, are otherwise dis- 
! posed of, not being willing to intrust them with me, who 
I have been, and (as they say), am still the grand enemy of 
their country. Mr. Wharton, a member of the Council, 
did openly declare, that his Majesty, in appointing me 
|his Secretary and Register, intended to inthrall this 
ipeople in vassalage. I have proposed the raising a rev- 

156 Usurpation Papers. 

enue, yet cannot be heard in Council. I have likewise 
pressed the making of strict orders to prevent the irreg- 
ular trade of this place, but some of the Council are 
traders, and others by marriage or otherwise so nearly re- 
lated, that, without a General Governor, interlopers will be 
countenanced, notwithstanding all my endeavours to the 
contrary. Here have been five or six ships seized and 
condemned, which inflames the people's malice against 
me. And the President, who by his office and duty is 
obliged to assist me, has openly refused, to his Majesty's 
great disservice. I question not but by his Majesty's 
uniting the several Colonies under one Government, to 
raise his Majesty a considerable revenue by quit rents to- 
wards the support of the Government, which will yearly 
increase. Of this the President, Mr. Wharton and several 
others, who have engrossed great tracts of land are sensible, 
and are, therefore, unwilling to admit me to discover their 
Estates. It. was by your Lordship's favour, that his 
Majesty, in consideration of my past services, was pleased 
to grant me the office of Register and Secretary of this 
Government, a place in his Majesty's other plantations of 
considerable advantage ; but they have taken so great 
prejudice against me, that they have disposed of the per- 
quisites of that office to persons of their own stamp, so 
that, for all my trouble and attending the Council here, I 
am not like to make £20 a-year. My earnest expectation 
of a General Governor, supports me under all these diffi- 
culties and disappointments, and though they treat me so 
rudely, yet I shall continue to assert his Majesty's interest 
in the station I am placed in, and ever remain, Right 

Your Lordship's 

most humble, 

and most obedient Servant, 

Ed. Randolph. 

To the Right Honourable the Lord Treasurer. 

Usurpation Papers. 157 


To the honourable Joseph Dudly, Esq., President, and the 
Council of his Majesty's Territory and Dominion of New 

The humble petition of William Douglas sheweth, 

That by reason of your petitioner's being brought from 
Carolina by Henry Holloway, the Pirate, contrary to your 
petitioner's will, whereby your petitioner has been greatly 
damaged, by his absence from Mr. Richard Daysey's plan- 
tation at Carolina, whereof your petitioner was overseer, 
and since the escape of your petitioner from the said Hol- 
loway when he rode in Casco, your petitioner was put to 
great streights both for food and linen, &c, whereupon 
he applied himself to the worshipful Edward Randolph for 
relief, who kindly ordered Erasmus Stevens to take care 
of him, to help him to what your petitioner wanted, till he 
had an opportunity, humbly to lay my condition before 
your honours. Therefore, your petitioner humbly prays 
your honours to take my condition into your consideration, 
and, also, desire your honour's order to let him depart this 
place and go to Mr. Richard Daysey's of Barbadoes, and 
likewise with all humility, does desire your honours to 
order Erasmus Stevens 40 shillings, which he laid out in 
necessaries for me, and your petitioner shall, &c. 

William Douglas. 



To the honourable President and Council of his Majesty's 
Territory of Neiu England. 

The humble petition of Richard Crisp, humbly sheweth, 

That whereas there are several gentlemen in this town, 

that are desirous your petitioner should instruct them in 

the use of weapons, and whereas there is a law, that for- 

biddeth the building of any edifice with wood, above such 


1 58 Usurpation Papers, 

a bigness as the said law permits, I humbly pray your 
honours, that you will please to grant me liberty to build 
a low, slight house for that purpose, of about twenty feet 
broad and 24 or 2b feet long, and about 10 feet high, with 
a flat roof of wood for that use, at the lower end of my 
garden, a convenient place for that purpose, being a great 
distance from any house, so that it can be neither dangerous 
for fire, nor offensive to any neighbors. The granting of 
this my request, will oblige me to pray for your honour's 
prosperity and be your humble servant. 

Council House, Sept. 15, 1686. 
Upon reading this petition, 

License is granted to Mr. Crisp, to build a house as 
desired ; provided it be not converted to any other use, 
and may be taken down when it appears to be of ill con- 
sequence to the town. 

By order of the President and Council. 

Ed. Randolph, Secretary. 


To the honourable, the President and Council. The humble 
petition of Jeremiah Dummer, Simeon Stoddard, John 
Foster and Walter Gendall, in the behalf of themselves 
and sundry others, sheweth, 

That Mr. Danforth, late President of the Province of 
Maine, formerly granted to your petitioners, Gendall and 
others, a tract of land for a Township in Casco Bay, on 
which some settlement and improvements are begun, and 
the town called North Yarmouth. But in regard to the 
poverty of the people, now concerned, and the sundry 
grants of farms in the said town and lands adjacent, and 
the proprieties of Mr. Gedney and Mr. Wharton, the said 
Town is not like to arrive to any considerable growth nor 
sustain the charges incident, without assistance and enlarge- 

Usurpation Papers. 159 

ment ; and whereas most of the distressed people, that are 
come from Eleutheria, # are rather willing, (if any will ven- 
ture for their supply and accommodation), to settle in the 
country than to transport themselves. 

And your petitioners, who have some of the best and 
most accommodable farms for the said Town, being not 
only willing to annex the same thereto, but otherwise to 
concern themselves for promoting a settlement, and hoping 
Mr. Gedney and Mr. Wharton may be prevailed with, upon 
condition that the waste and interjacent lands and islands 
may also be added thereto, to afford further enlargement 
and accommodation. 

Your petitioners humbly pray, that all the waste lands 
between Mr. Wharton's land, (being about 3 miles to the 
westward of Puggamugga river) and Mr. Gedney's, border- 
ing upon the former grant, together with the Islands before 
the same, being not impropriated, may be granted to your 
petitioners for themselves and such as may be willing to 
concern themselves with them, in planting and peopling 
the said Town, and that the said Puggamugga River, if 
Mr. Wharton shall consent thereto, may be the stated 
Easterly bounds of said Township ; or, otherwise, that 
meet persons may be appointed to run the line between 
such land, as you shall be pleased to allow to the said 
Town, and Mr. Wharton's land, that the present settle- 
ment may not be discouraged, — addition to a new planta- 
tion may not be driven away for want of those supplies, 
your petitioners are willing to add to the public charity 
and benevolence. And your petitioners ever pray, fee. 

Jerimiah Dummer. 

Simeon Stoddard. 

John Foster. 

Walter Gendall. 

In answer to this Petition, 

The President and Council do approve of, and allow of 
the petitioners removing the distressed Eleutherian people 
into Casco Bay, for their settlement and support, and will 

* One* of the Bahama Islands. 

160 Usurpation Papers. 

recommend their prayer for the grant of their lands 5 de- 
sired unto his Majesty for his Royal favour therein. By 
the President and Council. 

Ed. Randolph, Secretary. 

Council House, Sept. 15, 1686. 

Also at the motion of the petitioners, it was further con- 
sented to by Richard Wharton and Bartholomew Gedney, 
Esqrs., that they will annex their lands in or near said 
Town to the same, and as improvement shall be made on 
their respective lands, to contribute to Town charge and 
in improvement, and Mr. Wharton consented, reserving his 
propriety, that the town bounds shall extend Eastwardly 
as far as Puggamugga River. 

Ed. Randolph, Secretary. 


Order that the Jurisdiction of Pemaquid be in the hands of 
Sir Edmund Andros. 

James R. Trusty and well beloved. We greet you 
well. Whereas we have thought fit to direct, that our 
Fort and Country of Pemaquid, in regard of its distance 
from New York, be for the future annexed to and continued 
under the Government of our Territory and Dominion of 
New England. Our will and pleasure is, that you forth- 
with deliver or cause to be delivered, our said Fort and 
Country of Pemaquid with the great guns, ammunition and 
stores of war, together with all other utensils and appur- 
tenances belonging to the said Fort, into the hand of our 
trusty and well beloved Sir Edmund Andros, Knight, our 
Captain General and Governor in chief of our Territory 
and Dominion of New England, or to the Governor or 
Commander in Chief there, for the time being, or to such 
person or persons, as they shall impower to receive the 
same, and for so doing, this shall be your warrant. Given 
at our Court at Windsor, this 19th day of September, 1686, 

Usurpation Papers. 161 

in the second year of our reign. By his Majesty's com- 

Sunderland P. 

Col. Dongan to deliver Pemaquid Fort to Sir Edmund 


Commission to Edward Randolph. 

James Rex. 

James the second by the Grace of God, King of England, 
Scotland, France, and Ireland, Defender of the Faith, and 
to all to whom these presents shall come, greeting. Where- 
as we have thought fit to appoint a President and Council, 
until we shall send over a Governor in Chief to take care 
of all our Territory and Dominion in New England, com- 
monly called or known by the names of the Colony of the 
Massachusetts Bay, the Province of New Hampshire and 
Maine, and the Narraganset Country, otherwise called the 
king's Province, with all the islands, rights and members 
thereunto belonging, Know ye, that we reposing especial 
trust and confidence in the loyalty and abilities of our 
trusty and well beloved Edward Randolph, Esq., have 
given and granted, and, by these presents, do give and 
grant unto him, the said Edward Randolph, the several 
and respective places and offices of Secretary and sole 
Register of our Governor and Council, and of our govern- 
ment there, for the time being, of and in our Territories 
and Dominion aforesaid, and him, (the said Edward Ran- 
dolph, Secretary and Register of our said Territory and 
Dominion), we do, by these presents, make, ordain and 
constitute, to have, hold, exercise and enjoy the said 
places and offices, or to him, the said Edward Randolph, 
by himself or his deputy or deputies during our pleasure, 
together with all fees, rights, privileges, profits, perquisites 
and advantages, to the said places and offices, or either of 
them, belonging or in any wise appertaining in as full and 
ample manner to all intents and purposes, as the Secre- 
tary and Register of our Island of Jamaica, or of any other 

162 Usurpation Papers. 

our Plantations in America, have had or do now receive 
and enjoy. And hereof all persons, whom it may concern, 
are to take due notice, and yield obedience thereunto ac- 
cordingly. Given at our Court at Windsor, the 21st day 
of September, 1685, in the first year of our reign. 



Order for the preservation of the Colony Records. 

At a Council held in Boston, New England, on Wednes- 
day, the 8th of December, 1686. Ordered, 

That Wait Winthrop, Esq., Simon Lynde, Esq., Benja- 
min Bullivant, Mr. Isaac Addington, and Mr. Daniel Allen 
be a committee, with the Secretary, to receive and sort 
and form the records of the country, now in the hand of 
Mr. Edward Rawson, late Secretary, that so they may be 
apt and ready for service ; and that the persons above 
named, be all sworn to the faithful discharge of their trust 
in this matter, and, to the end it may be forthwith proceed- 
ed in, Mr. Lynde and Mr. Bullivant are empowered, and 
hereby ordered to take the same from Mr. Rawson tomor- 
row, and remove them in the posture they are now in, into 
the Library Chamber, and that there go forth a strict war- 
rant to Mr. Rawson, to deliver them accordingly. And it 
is further ordered, that two locks be put upon the Office 
where such papers shall be lodged, and that Mr. Bullivant 
or such other person, as Mr. Randolph shall depute to 
that service, shall keep the key of one of the locks, and 
Capt. Winthrop, Mr. Lynde, or Mr. Addington the other. 


Instructions to Sir Edmund Andros, concerning the surrender 
of Rhode Island and Connecticut Charters. 

James R. 

Additional powers and instructions for our trusty and 
well beloved Sir Edmund Andros, Knight, our Captain 

* [Though this commission is dated before the suspension of our Charter govern- 
ment, yet it was prepared for the Usurpation Administration, — and, therefore, is 
located with its documents. Pub. Com.) 

Usurpation Papers. 163 

General and Governor in Chief in and over our Territory 
and Dominion of New England in America, given at our 
Court at Windsor, this 13th day of September, in the 
second year of our reign, 1686. 

Whereas we have been presented with the humble ad- 
dress of our Governor and Company of our Colony of 
Rhode Island and Providence Plantation within our Terri- 
tory and Dominion of New England, bearing date the 3d 
day of June last, wherein they take notice of our writ of 
quo warranto against their Charter, and thereupon declar- 
ing their resolution not to stand suit with us, have submit- 
ted themselves and their Charter to our Royal determina- 
tion. Our will and pleasure is, and we do hereby authorize 
and empower you, upon your arrival in those parts, to 
demand, in our name, the surrender of their said Charter 
into your hands, in pursuance of their said declaration and 
address, and, taking our said Colony of Rhode Island and 
Providence Plantation, under your Government, to exer- 
cise the like powers and authorities in reference to the 
same, as we have given and granted unto you by our com- 
mission under the great Seal of England, for the Govern- 
ment of other Colonies, within our said Territory and 
Dominion of New England, assuring our good subjects of 
our Colony and plantation aforesaid, of our Royal counte- 
nance and protection in all things, wherein our service and 
their welfare shall be concerned, and giving us by the first 
opportunity, an account of their behavior and of your 
proceedings in obedience to these our commands. And, 
in case it shall happen, that upon the like writ of quo war- 
ranto, issued against the Charter of our Government and 
Company of our Colony of Connecticut, they shall be in- 
duced to make surrender of their Charter, our will and 
pleasure is, and we do hereby authorize and empower you 
in our name, to receive such surrender, and to take our 
said Colony of Connecticut under your Government, in the 
same manner as before expressed. By his Majesty's com- 
: mand. 

Sunderland P. 

164 Usurpation Papers. 


Confirmation of Colonial Officers. 

By his Excellency, the Governor in Council. These 
are to declare and publish, that all officers civil and mili- 
tary, and the officers of his Majesty's Revenues, together 
with all duties and imposts, as now settled in this town of 
Boston, and other parts of this Government, are continued 
till further order, and all persons are required to conform 
thereunto accordingly. 

E. Randolph, Secretary. 

Council House, Dec. 20th, 1686. 


Order for the first Council Meeting under Sir Edmund 



His Excellency, Sir Edmund Andros, Knight, Captain 
General and Governor in Chief, arrived here yesterday, at 
which time his Majesty's commission, bearing date the 
third of June last, was published, his Excellency has ap- 
pointed a General Council, to be holden here on Thursday 
the 30th of this instant, December, and directed me to 
acquaint all the members thereof, that they may be present 
accordingly. His Excellency presents his humble service 
to you, and would be glad to see you at Boston. 

I am, Sir, 

Your humble servant, 
Edward Randolph. 


Letter of Sir Edmund Andros, written probably to the Gov- 
ernor of Rhode Island, concerning the surrender of their 

Boston, Dec. 22, 1686. 

This is to acquaint you, that I arrived yesterday, at 
which time his Majesty's Commission, bearing date at 
Windsor, the third day of June last, in the second year of 

Usurpation Papers. 165 

his reign, appointed me Captain General and Governor in 
Chief of his Territory and Dominion of New England, 
and his Majesty having, upon the address and submission 
of the Charter, accepted thereof, hath commanded and 
authorised me upon my arrival in these parts, to demand 
in his Majesty's name, the actual surrender of the said 
Charter, and to take the Colony of Rhode Island and 
Providence Plantation into my care, as part of the govern- 
ment, and to assure his good subjects in your parts of his 
Majesty's countenance and protection in all things, in which 
his Majesty's service and your welfare shall be concerned, 
and hath constituted and appointed you, Walter Clark, 
Jo. Sandford, John Coggeshall, Walter Newbury, John 
Greene, Puchard Arnold and John Alborough, Esqrs., to 
be members of the Council for the said Government. And 
I, having appointed a general Council to be held in this 
place on Thursday, the 30th of this instant December, you 
are to communicate this to the above named members of 
the Council, and, together with them, to give your attend- 
ance for his Majesty and Country's service as above. I am 
your very affectionate friend, and desiring to hear from you 
in the mean time. 


Letter from Sir Edmund Andros, respecting the surrender of 
Connecticut Charter. 

Boston, in New England, December the 22d, 1686. 

This is to acquaint you, that I landed yesterday, and all 
well here. His Majesty, having been pleased by his Letters 
Patents, bearing date at Windsor, the third day of June, 
in the Second year of his Majesty's Reign, to constitute 
and appoint me to be Captain General and Governor in 
Chief of his Majesty's Territory and Dominion of New 
England. And by his Majesty's order of the 13th of 
October last, I am particularly empowered and authorised 
to receive the surrender of your Charter, if tendered by 
you, and to take you as part of this his Majesty's Govern- 
ment, to enjoy all the benefits and advantages granted in 
his Majesty's said Letters Patents, in which and in all 

166 Usurpation Papers. 

things else relating to your welfare, I am ready to contri- 
bute. Therefore desire to hear speedily from you, being 
Your very affectionate friend, 

E. Andros. 

To Robert Treat, Esq., Governor of Connecticut. 


Petition to Sir Edmund Andros, by Richard Smith, that the 
Island hereinafter mentioned, may be restored. Dated Dec. 
22d, 1686. 

The Humble Petition of Richard Smith, of Rochester, 
within the Narragansett Country, Humbly sheweth, 

That there having been long hanging in contest and suit 
between some of the inhabitants of Rhode Island and your 
Petitioner, a claim and pretence of title made by them, 
unto a small Island lying near the Town of Bristol, com- 
monly called Hog Island, alias Chesawanoch, which your 
petitioner many years since purchased of the Indian Na- 
tives, and had confirmation thereof from the General Court 
of New Plymouth. But of later time hath been forcibly 
kept out, and interrupted in his peaceable possession and 
improvement thereof, by the Rhode Islanders, from which 
tiresome contest and unjust molestation, your petitioner 
hopeth, by your Excellency's happy access to the Govern- 
ment, speedily to be relieved, and to have a just and final 
issue put thereto. 


The first Meeting of the Council under Andros. 

At a Council held in Boston, New England, on Thurs- 
day, December 30th, 1686, present, 

His Excellency, Sir Edmund Andros, Knight, Governor. 
Joseph Dudley, 
Thomas Hinckley, 
Wait Winthrop, 
Jno. Usher, 

Usurpation Papers. 167 

Barnaby Lathrop, 

John Walley, 

John Coggeshall, 

Richard Arnold, 

William Stoughton, 

Richard Wharton, 

Edward Tyng, 

Jonathan Tyng, 

William Bradford, 

Daniel Smith, 

Nathaniel Clark, 

Walter Newbury, 

John Alborough, 

Edward Randolph, Secretary. 

Upon opening of the Council, his Excellency command- 
ed the members to be called over by their names, and take 
their places, as set down in certain articles of instruction 
from his Majesty, to his Excellency the Governor. 

The members of the Council, being accordingly seated, 
his Majesty's commission for government of this his Terri- 
tory and Dominion of New England, was read, and also, 
the instructions under his Majesty's sign Manual, empow- 
ering his Excellency to receive the Charter of Rhode 
Island and Providence Plantation, was likewise read. 

His Excellency proceeded to administer the oath of alle- 
giance, and the oath, also, for the due administration of 
justice, and commanded such persons of the Council, as 
had not already taken these oaths, to stand up and answer 
to their names. Viz., Thomas Hinckley, Walter Clark, 
Barnaby Lathrop, William Bradford, Daniel Smith, Jno. 
Walley, Nathaniel Clark, John Coggeshall, Walter New- 
bury, Richard Arnold and John Alborough, who (all of 
them), Walter Clark and Walter Newbury excepted, did 
take the oaths, and showed assent thereto, by holding up 
their right hands. 

Walter Clark and Walter Newbury, gave also their ex- 
press consent to the oath of allegiance, and the oath for 
the administration of justice in the Government, according 
as directed in his Majesty's late commission to the President 
and Council, professing themselves obliged in all good con- 
science before God so to do, ana that, under the utmost 
penalties of perjury in all respects, the members of the 

168 Usurpation Papers. 

Council being severally asked their opinion, did allow of 
their protestation. His Excellency in a short discourse, 
encouraged the members to freedom in debates. Walter 
Clark and Walter Newbury, acknowledge the surrender 
of the Charter made to his Majesty at Windsor, but fear- 
ing that surrender was not effectual for avoiding all mis- 
takes, they had presented another humble address to his 
Majesty under the public Seal of their Colony, and had 
sent over agents to pray his Majesty's favor towards them, 
and W. Clark further added, the Charter of Rhode Island 
was in his custody at Newport. It was moved, that a 
Proclamation should be made through all the Colonies and 
Provinces of this Government, that all Officers both Civil 
and Military, should be continued in their places of trust, 
and that the laws not repugnant to the laws of England in 
the several Colonies, should be, and observed during his 
Excellency's pleasure. 

Ordered, That the proclamation be drawn up and pre- 
sented to his Excellency in Council, tomorrow by nine of 
the clock, in the morning. 

On Friday, John Fitz Winthrop and John Jenks took 
their seats, as members of the preceding Council. 


[JEleutherianSj see page 158 of this volume.] 

His Excellency the Governor, Sir Edmund Andros. 

The Petition of Jeremiah Dummer, Simeon Stoddard, 
and Walter Gendall, Humbly Sheweth, 

That in July last past, arrived at this Town of Boston 
from Eleutheria, one of the Bahama Islands, many families, 
having been spoiled by the Spaniards, of all they possessed, 
and driven off naked and destitute, who, on arrival here, 
were like to be a continual charge unto this place. Your 
Petitioners considering the same, made application unto 
the President and Council, offering, that if the interjacent 
land at the head of Casco Bay, situated between Mr. 
Wharton and Gedney's lands in that place, might be 
granted unto us, who have each of us some land upon the 
place, that we would advance money for their support and 
supply and settlement on said land, who were pleased 
thereupon, to pass an order for removing the said distressed 

Usurpation Papers. 169 

people unto that place, declaring they would recommend 
our request unto his Majesty, for his Royal favor therein. 
Whereupon we were at the charge of removing about nine 
families of the said distressed people, and have been at 
considerable charge, in furnishing them with necessaries 
for their supply and support this winter. And must fur- 
ther disburse for their future settlement, if we are encour- 
aged therein. And being informed that your Excellency 
hath direction and power from his Majesty, to confirm such 
lands under the Seal of this, his Majesty's Dominion of 
New England, your petitioners therefore humbly pray, 
that your Excellency would please to grant and confirm 
the said tract of land, with all its appurtenances and privi- 
leges, unto us, our heirs and assigns for ever, and we shall 
be ready further to disburse for the settlement of these and 
such others, as we shall obtain to settle on the place, who, 
without further aid and assistance, will be under utter dis- 
couragements, and not be able to proceed any further. 
And w r e shall also yield such reasonable acknowledgment 
as is fit, and subscribe ourselves, your Excellency's 

Most Humble Servants, 
Jeremiah Dummer. 

Simeon Stoddard, 

Boston, January 6th, 1686-7. 


Quit Rents in Maine, as introduced by the Usurpation, and 
effects of them. 

To his Excellency, Sir Edmund Andros, Governor of 
his Majesty's Territory and Dominion in New England. 
May it please your Excellency, 

The late Government of the Massachusetts Company, 
having purchased the land and title of Sir Ferdinando 
Gorges, in the Province of Maine, and upon such purchase, 
designing and intending to give all encouragement to all 
persons, that incline to go and set down, and settle them- 
selves and families in and upon the said Province of Maine, 
the said late Government did, by Commission under the 
seal of the late Government, empower Thomas Danforth, 

170 Usurpation Papers. 

Esq., to lay out and appoint places for Townships in the 
said Province, and, also, to grant power unto such Town- 
ships or Inhabitants, or the selectmen of all such Town- 
ships, to give and grant land to any persons whatsoever, 
that would settle themselves and families, in the said 
Province under such quit rent, as did then seem good unto 
the said Thomas Danforth. In pursuance whereof, several 
persons and their families have sat down in several Town- 
ships, in and upon the said Province, with great charge, 
trouble and expense, and many more in probability would, 
had not the burden of quit rents discouraged. It is there- 
fore humbly prayed of your Excellency, that such Town- 
ships and settlements, so made as above, may have your 
Excellency's confirmation of their titles, obtained as above ; 
and the quit rents, appointed to be paid as above, for such 
lands, being experimentally found to lie heavy upon the 
inhabitants there residing, may receive some abatement. 

And your petitioners of the whole Province aforesaid, as 
in duty bound, shall ever pray, &c. 

Edward Tyng. 


A Specimen of Licenses for Marriage. 

Know all men by these presents, that we, Nathaniel 
Peck of Boston, and William Coggeshall of the same Town, 
in his Majesty's Territory and Dominion of New England, 
are firmly bound unto Edward Randolph, Esq., Secretary 
of his Majesty's Territory and Dominion, in the sum of 
fifty pounds, current money of New England, to which 
payment well and truly to be made, we bind ourselves 
jointly and severally, our heirs, executors, administrators 
and assigns, firmly by these presents. Witness our hands 
and seals, this 11th day of January, 1686-7, in the second 
year of his Majesty's reign. 

The condition of the above obligation is such, that if the 
above bound Nathaniel Peck and William Coggeshall, shall 
sufficiently keep and save harmless, the aforesaid Edward 
Randolph, Esq., from all troubles, which may or shall any 
way so arise by the said Edward Randolph's granting a 
license to the aforesaid Nathaniel Peck, to be joined in 

;is t 

Usurpation Papers. Ill 

matrimony, that then this obligation to be made void, 
otherwise to remain in full force and virtue. 

Nathaniel Peck. 

William Coggeshall. 

Signed, sealed and delivered, in the presence of us, 


John Clarke, Mary ^ Peck. 



Extract relative to a Tax, which, on account of the mode of 
its being assessed, produced great excitement. 

That a single country rate of one penny in the pound, 
be served and collected in all the late Colonies and Prov- 
inces, towards defraying the public charges of this Govern- 
ment, according to former usage. January 13, 1686-7. 


I License for the Press, according to previous Colonial custom. 

January 28, 1686-7. 
Ordered, that copies of books, &c, to be printed, be 
Bfirst perused by Mr. Dudley, late President, and upon his 
(allowance of them for the press, that one copy thereof so 
(allowed and attested by him, be brought to the Secretary's 
Ijoffice, to be left on record, and receive from him an impri- 


ijPetition of Bristol to be excused from the Tax recently 


May it please your Excellency, 

Whereas a warrant from the Treasurer is come to us, 
pnd another to the Constable, for a single country rate of 
|bne penny in the pound, to his Majesty for support of the 
iGovernment, to be assessed and levied on our inhabitants, 
Iks per said warrant more fully expressed :— 

172 Usurpation Papers. 

We humbly offer to your consideration, this small 
Isthmus or Neck of Land, on which our Town is now 
settling, was purchased not long since by some of us, at a 
very dear rate, being a little spot, wanting many advan- 
tages of other plantations, our neighbors, of which our 
first purchasers and the Committee, appointed for the sale 
thereof, were very sensible. Our purchasers having there- 
fore paid a considerable sum of money, and under strict 
obligation to settle a town in a short time, and so necessa- 
rily to conflict with many and great charges, and unavoid- 
able difficulties, the ordinary and sure concomitants of 
young plantations, on these considerations, and to encour- 
age us in our beginning, the aforesaid Committee by the 
order, and having the approbation of the General Court 
of New Plymouth, sold and warranted to us, as far as they 
could, some privileges, of which this was one and not the 
last, viz., that we should be exempted from all public 
country rates, charges, levies or assessments for seven 
years, it being an exemption or privilege usual to be given, 
though by us bought, at the first settling of Towns, which 
term is not yet expired, something more than a year yet 
to come. Sir, we humbly hope for, and beg your ratifica- 
tion of these our purchased privileges. Be pleased to look 
upon us, as we are, a poor infantine place, struggling with 
many difficulties and discouragements, not only wanting 
your favor in this particular affair, but further begging your 
Excellency's benign goodness and gracious encouragement 
to be extended to us, as your wisdom shall direct for our 
increase, and that our plantation, though small at present, 
may grow up and thrive under the happy cherishing and 
enlivening influence of your good Government. Sir, we 
dare not further trouble you at present, but humbly beg 
pardon for these rude lines, which we justly fear divert you 
from much more weighty affairs. 
Your Excellency's 

Unworthy Servants, 

Benjamin Church. 

John Rodgers. 

Thomas Walker. 

Selectmen for the Town of Bristol. 
Bristol, New England, February 18, 1686-7. 

Usurpation Papers. 173 


Fees for the Custom- House. 

Vessels inward hound. 

Every vessel exceeding 40 Tons, . . . £00,3,06 

If above 40 Tons, 5,00 

For a permit or license to unload, . . . 1,00 
For an oath upon a Majesty's entry and 

clearing, 0,06 

Vessels outward bound. 

Every vessel's entry to load, . . . • '. 1,00 
Every vessel's clearing not exceeding 40 

tons, 3,06 

If above 40 tons for clearing, .... 5,00 

For a bond for his Majesty's use, . . . 5,00 

For a certificate when the bond is given, 5,00 

For a certificate to take up a bond, . . 5,00 

For registering and discharging a bond, 0,06 

For registering a certificate, ... . 0,06 

For coasting vessels and wood boats. 

Outwards. — To entering bond once a year, 

not to carry European or plantation 

commodities without entry, .... 5,00 

For entry of every coasting vessel loading 

European commodities, or of the plan- 
tations, 1,06 

For a license to deliver their loadings, . 1,06 

For all coasting vessels, trading to and 

from the neighboring Colonies, . . . 2,06 

For a bond for coasting vessels carrying 

any of the enumerated commodities out 

of this Government, 1,00 

Ed. Randolph, Collector. 


174 Usurpation Papers. 


Commercial Orders to Governor Andros. 


Having notice that under color of a trade to Newfound- 
land for fish, great quantities of wine, brandy and other 
European goods, are imported from thence into his Majes- 
ty's plantations, particularly New England, on an allega- 
tion, that the said New Foundland is accounted as one of 
the said plantations. To which purpose, it is now become 
a Magazine of all sorts of goods brought thither directly 
from France, Holland, Scotland, Ireland and other places, 
which is not only contrary to law, but greatly to the preju- 
dice of his Majesty's Customs, and to the trade and navi- 
gation of this Kingdom. To the end, therefore, that so 
destructive and growing an evil may be timely prevented, 
we desire you, for his Majesty's service, to give public 
notice to all persons concerned within your government, 
that the New Foundland is not to be taken or accounted a 
plantation, being under no Government or other regulation, 
as all his Majesty's plantations are. But that all European 
goods, imported from thence, will be seized, together with 
the ships importing the same, as forfeited by the act of 
trade, made in the 15th year of his late Majesty's reign, 
and his said Majesty's Proclamation pursuant thereunto. 
And you are strictly to give in charge to all his Majesty's 
officers, that they be very careful not to suffer any Euro- 
pean goods, other than what are by the aforesaid law and 
Proclamation accepted, to be imported into New England. 
But such as shall appear by coquets or authentic certifi- 
cates from some port of England, Wales, or Berwick, to 
have been there duly shipped and put on board, under 
forfeiture of ships and goods as aforesaid. And, in order 
to prevent the acceptance of forged coquets or certificates, 
which have been heretofore practised, you are, accord- 
ing to his Majesty's particular instructions to you, to give 
effectual orders that the coquets for such goods be produced 

Usurpation Papers. 175 

to the collector of the Customs in New England, or to his 
deputies there, for the time being, before the unloading of 
the goods ; and that no European goods be landed, but by 
warrants from the said Collector or his Deputies, in the 
presence of one or more officers, appointed thereto. And 
that for the better prevention of frauds of this kind, no ship 
or vessel do load or unload any goods or commodities what- 
soever, until the master or commander thereof has first 
made known to yourself, or the person appointed by you, 
the arrival of such ship or vessel, with her name and size, 
name of the master, and has shown that the ship or vessel 
is duly navigated and otherwise qualified according to law, 
and hath delivered a true and perfect inventory of her 
lading, together with the place or places, in which the said 
goods were laden and taken into the said ship or vessel, 
under forfeiture of such ship and goods. We are frequently 
informed from our agent in Scotland, of several ships com- 
ing thither with the innumerated plantations' commodities, 
without touching to clear in any port of England, Wales, 
or Berwick, being generally ships, that pretend to belong 
to, and give bond in the plantations ; which are plain in- 
stances of the great neglect or corruption of the officers, 
employed in executing the laws, without which we think it 
almost impossible, that ships should take in their whole 
lading, and not be discovered either at their arrival or de- 
parture. Wherefore, we desire you, for his Majesty's ser- 
vice, not only to make a strict and speedy examination of 
these and the like frauds, tending so apparently to the 
prejudice of his Majesty's revenue, and the trade of this 
kingdom ; but to take care and give effectual orders, that 
the like may be prevented for the future, which may be 
done these two ways ; first, by your care, that all ships, 
not producing certificates of bond given in England, Wales, 
or Berwick, be obliged to give bond to yourself or Naval 
officer according to law, before they load or take on board 
any of the innumerated commodities under the penalty of 
the forfeiture thereof ; second, that such ships having so 
given bond, you use your utmost care and diligence to dis- 
cover whether the conditions thereof are performed, and 
certificate thereof produced in a convenient time after, or, 

176 Usurpation Papers. 

in failure thereof, that the said bonds be effectually prose- 
cuted. We are 

Your most humble Servants. 

T. Chudleigh. 

Ch. Cheyne. 

D. North. 

Jo. Wenden. 

J. Butler. 


To Edmund Andros, Governor of New England. 
Custom House, London, 12th January, 1686-7. 


Petition about Lands and Indian Hostilities. 

To his Excellency, Sir Edmund Andros, $*c. 

The petition of John Maine, of Casco Bay, Humbly 

That your petitioner about 30 years since purchased a 
house in Casco Bay, with 60 acres of land adjoining, situ- 
ated near the middle of Casco Bay, on the Westerly side 
of " Westgostuggo" River, at a certain place there, com- 
monly called and known by the name of Maine's Point, 
also, he took up about six acres of salt marsh, and hath 
enjoyed the same, as it is situated near the head of the 
Eastermost branch of " Westgostuggo" River, until the 
late war with the Indians, at which time two of his sons in 
law were slain, his evidences for his housing and land w T ere 
burnt ; and he with his wife and the rest of the family, 
hardly escaped with their lives. And some years after 
the war was ended, he returned, and ever since his return, 
hath kept his portion of said lands, and some, that were 
strangers there before the war, and have since settled 
there, have laid out sundry lots on your petitioner's up- 
land, have taken the said marsh land into their hands, and 
refused your petitioner the improvement thereof. Your 
poor petitioner, therefore, humbly prays, that your Excel- 

Usurpation Papers. Ill 

lency will please to pass an order to Captain Edward Tyng 
to see, that he may be settled in his just right, so shall he 
ever pray, &c. 

John Maine. 


Letter from Sir Edmund Andros to the Governor and Council 
of Connecticut, relative to their Charter. 

Boston, June 13, 1687. 

By my several letters and advice from England, I am 
assured that by this time, there would be an issue put to, 
and judgment entered upon the quo warranto, against your 
Charter, and soon expect his Majesty's command accord- 
ingly ; of which I doubt not but you are advised, as many 
of your friends in these parts, who have prevailed with me 
on your Assembly's meeting, to express my inclinations. 
Still not to be wanting for your welfare, if you yet give me 
opportunity, by accepting his Majesty's favor, so graciously 
offered you, in a present compliance and surrender, and 
not with vain hopes to delay until execution be served 
upon you, when too late to acquit yourselves of your duty 
to his Majesty and trust reposed in you by the Colony, 
which, being of such importance, deserves your best con- 
siderations and resolves accordingly. This is by Edward 
Randolph, Esq., to whom you may give entire credence in 
any thing relating to this matter from 

Your very affectionate friend, 

E. Andros. 

To the Honorable, the Governor and Council of Con- 
necticut, at Hartford. 

178 Usurpation Papers. 


Account of Disbursements of his Majesty's Government. 

Dec. 20, 1686.— To cash paid John Marsh, Dr. 

sent post to Dunstable to give an account 
of the arrival of Sir Edmund Andros, to 
Jonathan Tyng, Esq., one of the Council, £00,10,00 

Dec. 30. — To cash paid John Perry, as post 
tdf Connecticut, carrying letters from his 
Excellency to that Government, . . . 00,10,00 

Feb. 25, 1687.— To cash paid John Blake, 
coroner, for inquiring into the death of 
Grace Peter, who was found dead in the 
dock at Boston, being customary according 
to former laws, but now ended, . . . 00,13,04 

To cash paid for beer and cider, to the drum- 
mer and soldiers at Charlestown, expended 
at an extraordinary meeting of the militia, 
his Excellency visiting the Town, . . . 01,15,00 

To cash paid Edward Crocket, executioner 
in Boston, for his quarter's salary, com- 
mencing the 20th of November last past, 
and ending the 20th instant, being accord- 
ing to agreement of former government, . 05,00,00 

March 16. — To cash paid Edward Gale for 
piloting his Majesty's frigate, the King Fish- 
er, from Cape Ann to Nantasket Roads near 
Boston, and, also, the attendance of said 
Gale's Ketch on the Frigate, to assist in 
case of any disaster, 10,00,00 

March 19. — To cash paid John Cornelist for 
the passage of sundry soldiers from the 
Castle near Boston, to the fort at Pemaquid, 
as per receipt, 06,00,00 

To cash paid John Perry, post to Connecticut, 

with letters from the Governor and Council, 00,10,00 

To 2 yards of Duffles delivered an Indian 

Sachem, per the Governor's order, . . 00,09*00 

To cash paid George Monck, at the sign of 
the Blue Anchor, for his entertainment of 

Usurpation Papers. 179 

the Council at sundry times, from the 20th 
of December to the 22d of March follow- 
ing, being in attendance on Council, and 
as a committee for drawing an abstract of 
the former laws, to be presented to the 
Governor and Council, as appearing per 
account, it being according to former cus- 
tom, though for the future to cease, . . 51,03,04 

April 12. — To cash paid Florence Kane for 
sundry disbursements, per order of his 
Excellency the Governor, which account 
was presented to the Council, and allowed 
of, 48,08,02 

To cash paid William Smith, joiner, for work 

done in the Town House, as per his account, 14,04,09 

June 25. — To cash paid Nathaniel Homes, 
gunner at the Castle, for one quarter's 
salary, to the 25th March last, .... 07,10,00 

To do. paid William Peling, gunner's mate 
at the Castle for one quarter's salary, end- 
ing the 20th May last, 04,10,00 

To cash paid Richard Bray, gunner's mate of 
his Majesty's Fort at Boston, for one quar- 
ter's salary, ending the 3d of May last, . 03,00,00 

Jno. Usher. 


An Order relative to Pemaquid and Penobscot. 

By his Excellency. 

So soon as Ensign Andros shall arrive, you are to deliver 
up the garrison and soldiers to be under his command, 
and having received ashore orders for the garrison, you are 
to repair on board his Majesty's Ketch Speedwell, and 
with the soldiers sent in her, and such ethers, as you shall 
think necessary, by the first opportunity of wind and 
weather, to sail for the river of Penobscot, to view the 

180 Usurpation Papers. 

state and condition of that river and what Christian inhab- 
itants are there, where, if you find any, you are to treat 
them with all civility, and direct them to apply to Pema- 
quid or this place, as occasion may be. You are, likewise, 
to use your endeavor to see and speak with the Indians 
there, particularly Madockawando, the Chief Sachem, and 
let them know you are ordered by me, under his Majesty, 
to visit that part of his Dominion and inquire of their wel- 
fare, and give to the Sachem a blanket and an anchor of 
rum, to drink among them. In your return from Penob- 
scot, you are to call at the Island Mintinicus* and view 
the state and condition of that place and the inhabitants 
there, encouraging them in their fishery. And you are to 
appoint and swear a Constable for the keeping of the peace 
and good order for one whole year, and until another be 
sworn in his stead. And let the inhabitants know, that, on 
all occasions, they may apply to Pemaquid or to me here. 
In the performance of this voyage, you are to make as much 
dispatch as possible, and to return to Pemaquid where you 
are to take the charge and command of the garrison and 
soldiers again, and Ensign Andros with the said ketch to 
return hither with all speed, unless any thing extraordinary 
for the King's service, in which case you may detain the 
ketch as occasion may require. Given under my hand at 
Boston, the 27th day of June, 1687. 

To Ensign Joshua Pipon, Commander at Pemaquid. 


Vessel in distress arrived at Boston. 

By his Excellency. 

Whereas Bartholl Otto Schmoll, commander of the ship 
Fortune, belonging to the most illustrious Prince Frederick 
Cassimir, Duke of Courland, hath by his petition set forth, 
that he, being employed in the service of the said Prince, 
as Commander in Chief of the Island of Tobago, and fail- 
ing there of seasonable supply of provision, and being 
reduced to great extremity and distress, for the preserva- 

* Now called Matinicus. 

Usurpation Papers. 181 

tion of the life of his Master's subjects and the ship, he 
designed with the said ship and people for Barbadoes, but 
the wind not favoring, bore down for Curacoa, and in the 
night fell to the leeward of that port, and was forced for 
Jamaica, where he got supply to bring him to this port, 
and, being in want of every thing, and his ship much out 
of repair, prayed to have liberty to come into this port, 
and to supply his wants, and that, if occasion for preser- 
vation of his Master's ship, he may lay her up here till 
further order. The which allegation, on examination of 
several of his officers and company upon oath, appearing 
to be true, and the petitioner producing his commission 
from the Duke of Courland, dated the 30th of November, 
1685, 1 have, therefore, with advice of the Council, granted 
unto the said Bartholl Otto Schmoll, the liberty of him, 
desired accordingly. Given under my hand at Boston, in 
his Majesty's Territory and Dominion of New England, 
the 9th day of July, in the 3d year of his Majesty's reign. 
Anna Domini, 1687. 


Indian Desolations, fyc. 

To his Excellency, Sir Edmund Andros. 

The humble petition of Elizabeth, formerly the wife of 
Richard Hammon, now the wife of John Rowdon, Humbly 

That your petitioner in the late Indian War, being pos- 
sessed of a plentiful estate in mills and other things, which 
was much damnified, burnt, and wasted by the Indians, 
your petitioner's husband slain with her son and servants, 
and your poor petitioner taken captive, afterward Major 
Waldron was sent to the eastward, with commission to re- 
deem captives, he utterly destroyed the remainder of your 
petitioner's estate, by cutting of her mills, spoiling her 
smith shop, and carrying away her iron work, &c. The 
premises considered by your Excellency, your humble peti- 
tioner humbly prays your Excellency's warrant, to bring 

182 Usurpation Papers. 

the said Major Waldron before your Excellency, to answer 
her complaint, &c. And your petitioner 

shall ever pray, &c. 

Elizabeth Rowdon. 


French Protestants in Narraganset. 

By his Excellency. 

Whereas complaint hath been made unto me by several 
of. the French Protestants, settled in the Narraganset 
country, that John Swett, Joseph Reynolds, Henry Rey- 
nolds, Thomas Bray and several others have of late, with- 
out right or lawful authority, mowed the meadows lying 
near to their settlements, and have forcibly carried away 
the grass and hay from thence, by means whereof, they are 
left destitute of any hay or fodder for their cattle in winter, 
and if not relieved therein, it will be to their utter ruin. 
These are, therefore, to authorize and require you, to call 
before you the persons above named, and such others as 
you shall find have been concerned in mowing of the said 
meadow, and what right or title they or either of them 
have to the said meadow ; and unless some particular grant 
shall be showed to you for the same, you are to cause the 
said grass or hay, cut off the said meadow as aforesaid, or 
the like quantity, as can be found in the possession of those, 
that cut the same, to be seized and secured, and forthwith 
to make report to me of your proceedings herein, that such 
further order may be given, as shall be thought necessary. 
Dated at Boston, the 14th day of July, 1687. 

To Captain John Fones, Justice of Peace at King's 

By his Excellency. 

Upon hearing and examining of the matter in difference 
between the towns of Greenwich alias Deptford, Kingston 
alias Rochester, and the French families, lately settled in 
the Narraganset country, about a parcel of meadow lying 
near their settlements and appointed for their accommoda- 

Usurpation Papers. 183 

tion ; but cut and mowed by several persons of both the 
said Towns, which appears to be done in a violent, forcible 
manner ; and the hay cut thereupon, being likewise by my 
order secured and stacked, I do, therefore, for the accom- 
modation of the said parties for the present, till the right 
thereto can be determined and settled, order and appoint, 
that all the hay cut and made upon the said meadows as 
aforesaid, be by the direction of any two Justices of the 
Peace, forthwith divided into two equal shares or moieties, 
and that one moiety thereof, be given for the use of John 
Nicholes, Gyles Pierce and George Vaughan of Greenwich 
aforesaid, and James Reynolds, James Reynolds, Junr., 
Henry Reynolds, Joseph Reynolds, Francis Reynolds, John 
Swett, William Bentley, John Andrew and George Haven 
of Kingston, share and share alike, who, I am informed 
live remote and are most wanting thereof. And the other 
moiety to be left for the use and benefit of the said French 
Families there, who, being strangers and lately settled and 
wholly destitute, and have no other way to supply them- 
selves. And all persons therein concerned, are to take 
notice hereof, and conform themselves thereunto accord- 
ingly, until further orders shall be given in said matter. 
Dated at Boston, the 5th day of August, 1687. 

To Major Richard Smith, and Captain John Fones, Jus- 
tice of the peace, who are to see this order forthwith exe- 


Letter to the Governor of Port Royal, from Sir Edmund 


Complaints being made unto me, that on Friday, the 
two-and-twentieth of July last, two fishing ketches, belong- 
ing to his Majesty's Dominion, and upon their lawful occa- 
sions, were taken by a French Man-of-War, said to be 
bound to your port. One of which ketches, having a 
French seaman put on board, (now sent you) being separa- 
ted by foggy weather, and wholly unacquainted with the 
coast, w 7 ere in great distress before they could get home 
for want of their Master. The other ketch and both Mas- 

184 Usurpation Papers. 

ters not yet returned, which being contrary to the long 
continued alliance of friendship and late treaty, between 
the two Crowns ; I have, therefore, to prevent further in- 
convenience herewith dispatched this gentleman, Captain 
Francis Nicholson, desiring you will order speedy and 
effectual redress and reparation of the said complaint. And 
that none of his Majesty's subjects be for the future any 
ways disturbed in their fishing or other lawful occasions, 
expecting your present answer hereto by the said gentle- 
man, I remain, Sir, 

Your most humble servant. 

Instructions for Captain Francis Nicholson, on his voyage to 

Port Royal. 

Having received my letter for the Governor of Port 
Royal, you are to repair on board his Majesty's ketch 
Speedwell, and with the first opportunity of wind and 
weather, to sail directly for Port Royal aforesaid. You 
are at your coming into the said port, to put out your colors 
and give notice by firing three guns, as by the late treaty, 
which being done, you are to go ashore and deliver my 
said letter to the Governor of Port Royal aforesaid, letting 
him know you have orders to receive his answer, which 
you desire as soon as may be, and unless hindered by wind 
and weather, or some thing extraordinary, you are not to 
stay above three days. As you have opportunity going or 
coming (so as not to hinder your speedy voyage to Port 
Royal), you are to put into Pemaquid, and view the state 
and condition of that place and garrison, and give necessary 
orders as occasion, and make the best of your way to this 
port again. In which I wish you a good voyage. Given 
under my hand at Boston the 6 th day of August, 1687. 



By his Excellency. 

Forasmuch as I am credibly informed that several per- 
sons, suspected to be privateers and pirates, have been 
lately privately landed and put on shore out of the ketch 

Usurpation Papers, 185 

Sparrow, whereof Richard Narramore is Master, at several 
places in and near this his Majesty's Dominion of New 
England, two whereof were apprehended at Martin's Vine- 
yard, but have broken prison and fled from thence, and 
whereas, upon the examination of Eliezer Buck, one of the 
seamen belonging to the said ketch, I have reason to sus- 
pect him to have assisted in and contrived the landing of 
the said persons, and them have and doth abet, countenance 
and conceal, being deemed pirates and privateers as afore- 
said : These are, therefore, in his Majesty's name, to charge 
and command you to take into your custody, the body of 
the said Eliezer Buck, and him safely keep in his Majesty's 
jail, until he shall be from thence delivered by due order 
of his Majesty's Laws, whereof you are not to fail. Given 
under my hand and seal in Boston, the 8th day of August, 

To the Sheriff of the County of Suffolk. 

By his Excellency. 

Forasmuch as John Danson, Mate of the ketch Sparrow, 
whereof Richard Narramore is Master, hath upon his 
examination before me confessed, that, for several years, 
he has been in a private Man of War under the command 
of one Henley, and hath been in the Red Sea with him, 
and there plundered and taken what they could from the 
Mallabars and Arabs. And the said Henley, being deem- 
ed and accounted a pirate, I have reason to suspect the 
said Danson to be guilty of the same. These are, there- 
fore, in his Majesty's name to require and command you 
to take into your custody, the body of the said John Danson 
herewith sent you : and him safely keep in his Majesty's 
jail, until he shall be from thence delivered by due course 
of law. Whereof you are not to fail. Given under my 
hand and seal at Boston, the 10th day of August, 1687. 

To the Sheriff of the County of Suffolk. 

By his Excellency. 

Whereas I have received certain information, that several 
persons, lately brought from the Isle of Theiro* in the ketch 

* Eleutheria. 

186 Usurpation Papers. 

Sparrow, whereof Richard Narramore is Master, have been 
privately landed and put ashore in several parts and places 
in and near this Dominion, who are suspected to be priva- 
teers or pirates, and that there are several parcels and 
quantities of gold plate, money and other goods and things 
on board the said ketch, belonging to the said persons or 
some of them, which ketch now lies within this harbor. 
These are therefore in his Majesty's name, to require and 
command you to make diligent search on board the said 
vessel for the said gold plate, money and other goods or 
things, and what you shall there find, you are to cause to 
be delivered and secured in the hands and charge of the 
Treasurer of this his Majesty's Dominion, who shall see 
the same forthcoming, to be disposed of as by law shall 
be directed. And for so doing, this shall be your warrant. 
Given under my hand and seal at Boston, the 9th day of 
August, 1687. 

To James Sherlock, Esq., High Sheriff of the County of 


License desired for keeping School. 

To his Excellency Sir Edmund Andros, Knt., fyc. 

The humble petition of Joshua Ratstock of Boston, hum- 
bly sheweth to your Excellency, 

Whereas the chief inhabitants of the North end of the 
Town of Boston, have invited your petitioner to take upon 
him the care and management as Master of a free school, 
(it being now destituted :) and have, as by their annexed 
certificate, recommended him to the approbation of the 
selectmen. But your petitioner, being unwilling to under- 
take any place of public trust, without your Excellency's 
favor and directions first had and known. To which your 
petitioner, as in duty bound, doth humbly refer himself in 
this matter. And most humbly prays, that your Excel- 
lency would be pleased to favor him with a license to in- 
struct youth in the school as above said, in which your 
petitioner shall make it his care and study, to perform 
what to his duty in such an undertaking doth belong. 

Usurpation Papers. 187 


Petition of Troopers. 

To his Excellency, fyc. 

The humble petition of Isaac Haulsey, one of George 
Lockhart's Troop, in the behalf of the rest of the Troopers 
of the said Troop, Sheweth, 

That your petitioners having been detached out of the 
respective Counties of the Province of New York, for his 
Majesty's service upon the late expedition to Albany, and 
having served as Troopers under the command of Captain 
George Lockhart about ten months, and now disbanded 
without any consideration of pay, further than five pence 
per diem for provisions, and being informed that his 
Excellency, Colonel Dongan, late Governor and Council 
hath established no more than eighteen pence per diem, 
for such Troopers' pay, so that there will only remain thir- 
teen pence. Your Excellency and this honourable Coun- 
cil being sufficiently sensible of his Majesty's establishment 
in England, and likewise of the difference of the money, 
the charge of our fitting out, high rates for clothing, nine 
shillings for shoeing a horse, the inconveniences and loss 
of our country affairs, and loss of horses and several other 
incidental charges : Do, therefore, humbly pray, that your 
Excellency and the Council will be pleased to take the 
premises into serious consideration, and allow two shillings 
and six pence per diem for a trooper, being the same estab- 
lishment as his Majesty pleased to allow his subjects that 
serve in the like capacity in our native country, the same 
establishment being allowed to all our fellow soldiers that 
served in the said late expedition ; and your petitioners 
shall ever be bound to pray, &c. 

Isaac Haulsey. 

188 Usurpation Papers. 


Permit to visit Wrecks. 

Sir Edmund Andros, Knt., $*c, to Captain Nicholas Inglesby. 

Whereas you are appointed to be commander of the 
Barque Rose, of Boston, now bound to a certain wreck or 
wrecks, lying and being to windward of his Majesty's 
Island of Jamaica or other places in the Northern seas, 
with design to work upon the same, these are to authorize 
and empower you to take upon you the charge and com- 
mand thereof accordingly, hereby strictly charging and 
requiring all the officers and company belonging to said 
Barque, jointly and severally in their respective employ- 
ments, to obey you as their commander. And you like- 
wise strictly to observe and execute such orders and direc- 
tions, as you shall from time to time receive for his Majes- 
ty's service during the said voyage. Whereof you are not 
to fail. Given under my hand and seal at Boston, the 24th 
August, in the third year of his Majesty's reign, 1687. 


Commission to visit Wrecks. 

Sir Edmund Andros, Knt., §*c, to all to whom this shall come. 

Whereas the Barque called the Rose, Nicholas Inglesby 
commander, is by several persons, his Majesty's subjects 
in this place, fitted and manned for a voyage, intended to 
be made to the wreck or wrecks lying to windward of 
Jamaica, or elsewhere in the North seas of America, and 
have desired my license and permission, that they may 
proceed on the said voyage. Accordingly these are, there- 
fore, to certify and declare, that the said commander, 
owners and employers of the said Barque, having given 
sufficient security to the value of five thousand pounds, for 
the good deportment of the said company during the 
voyage, and that within twelve months after the date hereof, 
they shall and will return to the port of Boston, with all 
the gold plate, money or other things of value they shall 

Usurpation Papers. 189 

get at the wreck or wrecks, and there well and truly pay 
the tenth part thereof, for the use of his Majesty. I have 
and do by these presents, license, permit, and suffer the 
said vessel and company, to proceed on the said intended 
voyage accordingly, and have likewise authorized and em- 
powered the said Nicholas Inglesby, to be commander of 
the said Barque for and during the voyage aforesaid, it 
being for his Majesty's service and interest, as well as the 
benefit and advantage of his Majesty's subjects, the said 
employers. And desiring you and every of you, to per- 
mit, and suffer the said Barque to go to, abide and work 
upon the said wreck or wrecks, and to have, get and 
enjoy all benefits and advantages there to return to this 
port again, with what they shall there get and acquire, 
without any let, hindrance, or molestation whatsoever. In 
witness whereof, I have hereunto set my hand and seal at 
Boston, the 24th of August, in the third year of his Ma- 
jesty's reign, 1687. 


Captain Inglesby 1 s obligation. 

Know- all men by these presents, that I, Nicholas Ingles- 
by, commander of the Barque Rose, in behalf of myself and 
Company belonging to the said vessel, in consideration of 
the great favor, liberty and countenance we have received 
from his Excellency, Sir Edmund Andros, on our intended 
voyage to the wreck or wrecks, do hereby "promise, bind 
and oblige myself, executors and administrators to pay or 
cause to be paid and delivered unto his Excellency afore- 
said, his order or assigns, the full and just quantity and 
proportion of two forty-sixth parts of all such gold, silver 
plate, money or other things of value, as we shall get, 
obtain or acquire in said voyage to the wrecks as aforesaid, 
after the King's tenths, and the vessel is payed and dis- 
charged when they shall be returned from the said voyage. 
As witness my hand and seal at Boston, the 26th day of 
August, 1687. 

Sealed and delivered in the presence of 

John West. 
P. Ferman. 
24 ' 


Usurpation Papers. 


Order for S. Wilbore 9 s imprisonment. The paper subsequently 
spoken of, called in question the late Tax law. 

To the Sheriff of the County of Suffolk. 

Whereas Shadrack Wilbore, Town clerk of Taunton, 
hath lately in the name and with the consent of the said 
Town, written and published a certain scandalous, factious 
and seditious writing therein, very much reflecting upon 
and contemning the laws, authority and government of this 
his Majesty's Territory and Dominion of New England. 
The which writing, upon his examination before his Excel- 
lency in Council, he hath confessed and owned. These 
are, therefore, in his Majesty's name, to require and com- 
mand you to take into your custody, the body of the said 
Shadrack Wilbore, and him safely keep in his Majesty's 
jail, until he shall have answered for the said contempt and 
misdemeanor, and be from thence delivered by due course 
of his Majesty's Laws. Whereof fail not. And for so 
doing, this shall be your warrant. Dated in Boston, the 
30th day of August, 1687. 

By order in Council. 

[Article 21st of the preceding papers, has but little variation from a similar one 
in 8th vol, 2d series, commencing at p. 181 of our Collections. Still it is thought 
not amiss to have it, with this difference, as one among the present series of such 
documents. — Pub. Com."] 



To such as for the time being, take care for preserving the 
peace and administering the laws of our Colony cf the 
Massachusetts Bay in New England \ in America. 

William R. 

Whereas Sir Edmund Andros, Knt., late Governor of 
our dominion of New England, has been seized by some 
people in Boston, and is detained under close confinement 
there, together with Edward Randolph, John Trefrey, and 
divers others our subjects ; who have humbly requested us 
that they may be either set at liberty, or sent in safe cus- 
tody into England, to answer before us what may be ob- 
jected against them : We do hereby will and require, that 
the said Sir Edmund Andros, Edward Randolph, John 
Trefrey, and others our subjects, that have been in like 
manner seized by the said people of Boston, and shall be 
at the receipt of these our commands, detained there under 
confinement, be forthwith sent on board the first shipp bound 
hither, to answer before us what may be objected against 
them : and that you take care that they be civilly used in 
their passage from New England, and safely conveyed to 
our royal presence. 

Given at our Court at Whitehall, this thirtieth day of 
July, 1689, in the first year of our reign. , 

By his Majesty's command, 


(With the Royal Seal). 



The humble Address of your Majesty's most loyal and 
dutiful subjects of the Church of England in Boston, in 
your Majesty's Territory and Dominion of New England. 

Most gracious Soveraigne. 

There has been but few years past over our heads, 
since by the grace and favour of your Majesty's Royal pre- 
decessors, -wee were delivered from the slavery and thral- 
dome of a most extravagant and arbitrary government 
which had long been exercised over us, and many others 
of your Majesty's subjects, under colour and pretence of a 
Charter, (wherein no part thereof but the name, was ever 
made use of or regarded), and by that means have been 
soe happy to enjoy the 'freedome of divine service and 
worship, after the manner of the Church of England ; 
which was never, until the vacating of the said Charter, 
admitted or allowed to any, but all were forced by their 
penal laws to frequent their meetings and be deprived of 
the benefit of the Holy Sacraments and other sacred rites ; 
none being admitted thereto, but such as are in Church 
government and fellowship with them and their children ; 
which does not include the 10th part of your Majesty's 
subjects in these parts, to the great shame and scandall of 
the Christian Religion, and hinderance of the propagation 

That though, since wee have had the liberty of our reli- 
gion, wee have endeavored to carry ourselves void of 
offence to those that dissent from us, and have, at our own 
charge, built and erected a convenient Church for the pub- 

Episcopal Ministers* Address to King William. 193 

lique worship and service of God, yet such is the malice 
of our dissenting neighbours, that wee are become the 
object of their scorn, and forced to take many affronts and 
indignityes by them frequently offered to our persons and 
Religion, which some of their principall Teachers have 
lately in a printed treaty * charged to be idolatry and 

We have lately, to our great horrour and amazement, 
been forced to behold a well established and orderly gov- 
ernment here subverted and overthrown ; the Governour, 
several of the Councill, and other principall officers and 
persons, by force of armes seized and kept under long and 
hard imprisonment ; your Majesty's forts and garrisons 
forced out of the hands of those appointed to command 
them ; your Majesty's standing forces and others, raised 
and employed for the defence of the country against our 
Indian and other enemies disbanded, and their officers 
cruelly seized and imprisoned, and by that means an advan- 
tage given to our enemies, who have since destroyed and 
laid waste a very considerable and goodly part of this your 
Majesty's territory, with the loss of some hundreds of your 
subjects ; and many forts and garrisons in those parts, of 
considerable force and service, which, by the disbanding 
of the souldiers, were left and defeited ; your Majesty's 
Frigott here, ordered for the defence and security of the 
coasts against pyrates and other enemies, dismantled and 
made wholly unserviceable, whilst pyrates infested the 
same ; your Majesty's revenue, which amounted to about 
£12000 per annum, wholly lost ; and all this by a party 
of pretended zealous and godly men, moved upon no other 
grounds or reasons, but their owne ill principles, malice, and 
envy, being more fond and regardful of their former Char- 
ter-government, (famous for nothing but their male-adminis- 
I trations, and cruel prosecutions of all persons differing from 
I them in matters of Religion only), than of their duty and 
allegiance to your Majesty, who have since taken upon 
I them to sett up and exercise their said former Government, 
and to put in execution the pretended laws made under 
the same, which are wholly contrary and repugnant to the 

* Treatise. 

194 Episcopal Ministers' Address to King William. 

laws and government qf your Majesty's realm of England, 
and to the great grievance and oppression of some thou- 
sands of your Majesty's loyall subjects, but more particu- 
larly to those who now humbly address your Majesty, who 
have bin thereby injured and abused both in their civil and 
religious concernments ; our Church by their rage and fury 
having been greatly hurt and damnified, and daily threat- 
ened to be pulled downe and destroyed; our Minister 
hindered and obstructed in the discharge of his duty and 
office, and wee now put under the burthen of most exces- 
sive rates and taxes to support the interest of a disloyal 
prevailing party amongst us, who, under pretence of the 
publique good, designe nothing but ruin and destruction 
to us and the whole countrey. 

And as we cannot but from the bottom of our hearts 
declare our utter abhorrence and dislike of these and all 
other their seditious and rebellious actings and proceed- 
ings, so wee are resolved with patience to undergoe and 
suffer whatsoever shall be imposed upon us, and to main- 
taine our duty and allegiance to your Majesty, not doubt- 
ing that by your Majesty's gracious favour and protection, 
wee shall be relieved and delivered from the same. 

Amongst these our sufferings, wee were greatly com- 
forted, when to our abundant joy and satisfaction, wee 
received that joyful news of your Majesty's most great and 
glorious enterprise for the defence and maintenance of the 
Protestant Religion and interest ; and of your Majesty's 
happy accession to the Crowne. And since your Majesty 
has bin graciously pleased to have particular regard to the 
religion of the Church of England, so wee hope that small 
branch thereof which hath but lately sprung forth in this 
remote part of the world, will not want your Majesty's 
favour and countenance, that it may (as no doubt but by 
God's blessing it will) grow up and flourish, and bring 
fruites of religion and loyalty, to the honour of Almighty 
God, and the promotion and increase of your Majesty's 
interest and service. 

And to that end, we humbly beseech your Majesty, that 
we may not be left under the anarchy and confusion of 
government, under which this Country hath so long groan- 
ed, but that the same may be ruled and governed by a 

Episcopal Ministers* Address to King William. 195 

Governor and Councill to be appointed by your Majesty, 
with the advice of an assembly of the people in matters 
proper for their cognizance, as others your Majesty's plan- 
tations, are ruled and governed ; with such other libertyes 
and priveleges as your Majesty shall thinke most proper 
and conducing to your Majesty's service, and the generall 
good and welfare of your subjects in the severall parts of 
this your territory and dominion of New England. 

That the great God of Heaven would continue to bless 
your Majesty with a glorious success in all your undertak- 
ings ; enable you to vanquish and overcome all your 
enemies, and give you a long, peaceable, and prosperous 
raigne over us and all your subjects throughout your realm 
and dominions ; and that they may never be wanting to 
shew forth their duty and obedience to your Majesty, is 
and shall be the hearty and continued prayers of your 
Majesty's dutyfull and loyall subjects, in the name and at 
the desire of the whole Church. 

Samuell Miles, M. A. 
Fra. Foxcroft. } 

Saml. Rauenscroft. S 

Church Wardens, 


[Some loose leaves, which appear to have been torn from an old letter- 
book, contained the following letters, interspersed with mercantile orders 
and correspondence. These were kindly presented for publication in 
our Collections, by the Rev. Charles W. Upham, of Salem, who received 
them from Daniel Waldo Higginson, Esq., of Cambridge. They are 
curious, as showing the actual state of Commerce of Salem, in 1700, 
and as suggesting the advantages which might be anticipated to Salem 
or Boston, from the importation of East India articles through a mercan- 
tile establishment in London. Although the project was not adopted at 
the time, it is worthy of remark that, nearly an hundred years after, the 
enterprise, by a direct communication with India, rendered Salem the 
most prosperous commercial mart in New England. 

The letters will, also, give some interesting particulars of the family 
of the Rev. John Higginson, son and successor in the ministry, of the 
venerable Francis Higginson, first Minister of Salem. He died Decem- 
ber 9th, 1708, in his 93d year, eight years after the date of the last letter. 
John, his oldest son, by whom most of the letters were written, was a 
respectable merchant in Salem ; and is named with just commendation 
in the letter of his father; to which may be added, he was long a mem- 
ber of the Governour's Council. He deceased March 23d, 1720, aged 
73. Nathaniel, to whom the letters were addressed, was born at Guil- 
ford, Connecticut, October 11th, 1652; and was educated at Harvard 
College, where he graduated in 1670. He went to England in 1674; 
and was with Lord Wharton about seven years, as steward and tutor to 
his children. He was employed in the mint of the Tower, 1681 ; and 
went, 1683, in the Company's service to Fort St. George, in the East 
Indies; was member and secretary of the Council, and afterwards Gov- 
ernor of the Factory at the fort. He married Elizabeth Richards in 
1692; returned to England, with his wife and children, in 1700, and 
established himself as a merchant in London, where he died in 1708, 
the same year with his Father. Thomas (another son) went to England ; 
learnt the goldsmith's trade; came home; embarked for Africa, and was 
never heard of. Francis went to his uncle at Kirby Stevens in England ; 
was educated at the University at Cambridge there ; and died of the 
small pox in London, aged 24. Henry was brought up as a merchant ; 
went to Barbadoes as Factor ; and there died of small pox in 1685. 

Pub. Com.] 

Higginson Letters. 197 

To Sir Josiah Child, Knight, Govemour of the East India 
Company, London. 

[Salem, N. E.], 18th July, 1692. 

Much honoured Sir. 

I make bold to request a favour of you, that you would 
be pleased to send the inclosed letter to my Brother, Mr. 
Nathaniel Higginson, who, I understand, is in your service 
at Fort St. George in the East Indies, and has there re- 
ceived many marks of your favour. He went out of Eng- 
land in the year 1683 ; and, since his departure from 
England, we have had but one letter from him, which was 
on his first arrival there ; and suppose that his letters have, 
some way or other, miscarried. 

I pray your Honour that if any letters come from him, 
directed either to my honoured Father or myself, you 
would be pleased to send them to us ; or if no letters come 
to hand, that you would be pleased to inform me, by a 
line, how it is with him ; — which will greatly oblige your 
Honour's humble servant at command, in any thing I am 
capable of, to the utmost of my power. 

John Higginson. 

To Mr. Nathaniel Higginson, 

18th July, 1692. 

Dear Brother. 

I have sent you many letters since your arrival at the 
East Indies, but have not been so happy as to receive any 
from you.* I therefore venture these lines under cover, 
to Sir Josiah Child, in hope they will find the way to you 
by his means. 

" The letter referred to in the preceding, must be one to his Father 


198 Higginson Letters. 

I long to hear of your welfare ; and trust that you will, 
by the first opportunity, afford me a line thereof. 

^ New England is much altered since you left it. Through 
mercy our honoured Father enjoys a good measure of health 
and strength ; being yet able to preach his turn every sab- 
bath. He is now seventy-six years old. Myself, wife and 
five children, Mary, John, Sarah and Elizabeth, are in good 
health. Brother Thomas lives at Guilford. Sister Anna, 
at Salem. Our brother Wharton died in London about 
two years since, as I suppose you have heard. His estate, 
being much entangled, I doubt there will be nothing left 
for his two daughters, Sarah and Bethiah. I hope, if God 
bless you, you will remember them in time. 

Dear Brother, let not the distance of place be a means 
to make us forget each other. Remember the good days 
and reciprocal affections we once enjoyed ; and let me be 
again happy in your company here. Our Father much 
desires to see you again, if it may be, before he dies. 

Thus commending you to the protection and blessing of 
the Almighty, 

I remain your ever loving Brother, 

John Higginson. 

From Rev. John Higginson of Salem, to his son Nathaniel. 

#■# # # P learn by your] letter, that if the Lord please 
to continue your life, and that you meet with no extraor- 
dinary losses, you intended to send something more. * This 
deserves my acknowledgment and approbation ; and I pray 
God to direct you in the time and quantity, &c., which I 
leave to yourself; only I think meet to inform you, how it 
may be done to the best advantage, to attain the end of 
your liberality, when God shall give you an opportunity to 
bring your intentions into execution. Considering my age, 
and the need of your brother Thomas, and sister Doliver, 
I have taken a special and sufficient care of making pro- 
vision for them ; viz., whereas there was almost five 
hundred pounds of arrears due to me from the towne since 

Higginson Letters. 199 

1686, and I saw no hope of receiving it in my time, about 
two years ago, I gave it wholly back to the towne, upon 
condition they would provide a sufficient maintenance for 
your sister during her life, and something for Thomas, if 
he returned from Arabia, whither he was gone with priva- 
teers, contrary to my mind and his owne promise. This 
proposition, in a general towne meeting, the towne accept- 
ed, and engaged to perform the condition, all which is 
recorded. Also I had been at great charge to maintain 
her children, and put them out prentices to learn trades, 
whereby they may get a livelihood when growne up. So 
that there is no need of supply in respect of those fore- 
named. But by this means I have wronged your brother 
John, and his, who might have recovered, at least some of 
the arrearages, when the towne might be in a better conr 
dition. And, therefore, if the Lord please to give you 
ability and opportunity to bring your intentions into execu- 
tion, I recommend unto you, in a special manner, the case 
of your brother John and his five children. By his singu- 
lar prudence and industry, he had attained a competent 
estate ; but by the misery of these times, he has met with 
great losses, by the French, &c. ; and so put out of his 
way as to be disenabled from making any use of the fishing 
trade ; and been worsted in his estate, I believe, above a 
thousand pounds : and yet he is a Major, and a Justice of 
the Peace, and the shew of public occasions lies much upon 
him. And divers of his children are growne up to above 
twenty, and need something to be given to them, to begin 
the world withal. He is a worthy good man, and well 
accepted of all men, and the staff and stay of my old age. 
I doubt not of your good affection for him, and therefore 
am the more free in making knowne his case to you. If 
you should do that which may help to support and help 
him, I doubt not but it will be acceptable to God, and 
honourable and comfortable to yourself, and a testimony 
of the continuance of your brotherly love to him and his 
family, who is the only one that is like to bear up the name 
of Higginson with honour in New England. Also, if you 
should remember your sister Wharton's iwo daughters to 
help forward their shop-keeping, fcr they keep a small shop 
at Boston ; and are like to coniinue as ancient maids, I 
know not how long, Sarah being 25 or 26 years old. And, 

200 Higginson Letters. 

if you should say as you did before, " if my Father or 
Mother be living" — I daily wait for my change, yet know 
not how long I may live ; my vitals being sound, and I can 
yet preach to be heard on the sabbath and lectures ; and 
when I fail, Mr. Noyes supplies. Mr. Braclstreet, our late 
Governour, died lately in Salem, aged 95 ; some have out- 
lived 100 ; and many have lived to above 80 in this pure 
and healthful aire. But what is our life ? It is but a vapour 
that appears for a little while, and then vanishes away. The 
Lord make us wise to make and keep our peace with him, 
that we may be in readiness for his coming to call us away 
to himself, that we may be ever with Christ, which is far 
better than to be here. 

It would be very acceptable to me, if, when you have 
leisure, you would write more largely and particularly 
something more concerning yourself: what wife you have 
married, a native, or &c, how long you are to stay there; 
what way of worship at the Fort, and at St. Thomas ; 
whether any of the Apostle Thomas' Christians there ; 
whether the inhabitants have left the custom of their wives' 
dying with their husband ; whether the Dutch christian- 
izing Ceylon goes forward ; and what has become of Beza- 
liel Sherman's wife and child. 

Your mother willed me to informe you, that she accepted 
of your kindness, as much as if she had received what you 
sent her. Your sister Higginson prayed me to tell you, 
that she thinks you have forgotten them. Mr. Noyes 
remembers his love to you. He is 50, but sickly. By 
living single, he has gotten an estate ; but there are above 
80 persons of his kindred. 

Since the Lord has taken your Uncle Whitfield, I have 
received a letter from Mr. Collet, to whom you wrote, and 
he hath written to me, offering in his kindness to convey 
my letters to you. As you joined him with your uncle 
Whitfield, may you not do well to joine your couzin Whit- 
field Hayler, with him ? You would do, well to write to 
your brother John. 

Higginson Letters. 201 

A copy of a Letter from my Father to Mr. Matthew Collet, 

in London. 

7. 6. '97. 

Good Mr. Collet 

I received your loving letter, with my son's letter in- 
closed ; and do, in the first place, give thanks unto God 
for moving your heart to show such a kindness of the Lord 
to me and mine, as you do express in your letter, and then 
I also give thanks unto yourself, as an instrument of his 

My good brother Whitfield was such a man ; with whom 
I had a correspondence for above forty years together, and 
he never failed me. Now the Lord hath taken him unto 
himself, he hath raised up you as a friend in his stead. And 
whereas you are pleased to offer your helpfulness in con- 
veying letters to my son, I do with all thankfulness accept 
your kind offer, and intreat you to send the inclosed letter 
to him with your owne. I have left it unsealed, that you 
may see the contents of it, because you may possibly be 
some way instrumental in time, to convey, not only his 
letters, but what he speaks of that he intends to do, if the 
Lord will. 

Sir, I pray you, as you have begun, you will go on, and 
let me expect another letter from you when you see the 
time ; directing it, in my absence, to my son John, as you 
did this. 

Sir, I pray you present my best respects, love, and ser- 
vice to good Mr. How, your father-in-law, with my thank- 
fulness to him for his writing to my son. His kinswoman, 
Mrs. Brown, married in this towne, is very well. She is 
a pious, good woman ; much exercised with soul-trouble. 
She doth much good to the poor, and is a friend to Min- 

So I commend you to the grace of God, in Christ Jesus ; 
and rest 

Your's unfeignedly, 

John Higginson. 

202 Higginson Letters, 

Salem 20. 6. '97. 
Dear Brother Nathaniel. 

Whilst you continued in England, I was often favoured 
with letters from you ; but, since you went to India, I have 
not received one from you, though I have sent many to 
you-ward, but cannot tell whether you have received any 
of them : but in May last, my honoured Father received a 
letter from you, under cover from Mr. Matthew Collet ; 
wherein you advised that you had sent a Bill of £180 ster- 
ling, (drawn by Captain Bluet on the owners of the ship, 
which Mr. Collet informs was on bottomry, and by the 
ship being taken, the money is lost) ; for the use of my 
honoured Father and family ; and, in case of my Father's 
decease before it arrived, you ordered myself and Mr. 
Noyes to distribute the same to our Mother-in-law, if 
living, £30 of New England ; the rest divided, so as that 
my sister Ann, and each of her children, and each of the 
children of my sister Wharton, and my brother Thomas, 
may have an equal share ; viz. so many as shall be living 
when it is received,— only desiring that sister Wharton's 
oldest daughter, if living, may have a double share to any 
of the rest. The which order, when Mr. Noyes saw, he 
said you had not therein ordered anything to me nor mine, 
nor could it be so understood, but it must be only to the 
above-named ; — which, I suppose, you did not intend, 
though it was not fully expressed, for my owne part. 

In the year 1689, when the war first broke out, I had 
obtained a comfortable estate, being as much concerned 
in the fishing trade as most of my neighbours. But, since 
that time, I have met with considerable losses ; and trade 
has much decayed. Of sixty odd fishing catches belong- 
ing to this towne, but about six are left. I believe that no 
towne in this Province has suffered more by the war than 

I have had seven children ; of whom five are living, 
viz., Mary, John, Nathaniel, Sarah, and Elizabeth. Mary 
and John are married, and begin to live in a hard world. 
Mary's husband has gone to sea, eighteen months since. 

Higginson Letters. 203 

Not heard of, he is supposed to be lost. Mary lives with 
me. John has one child of above a year old, named Eliz- 
abeth. He married at twenty years of age. I hope he 
will do well. He is Lieutenant to one of our companies 
of soldiers. Our honoured Father has been at great charges 
with sister Ann Dolliver and her children, brother Thomas, 
and sister Wharton's children ; and will leave but little ; 
by which means I am made a younger brother. 

I am glad to hear that you are suited with a wife ; I 
hope a good wife, which is a good thing ; (I have found it 
so) ; and that God has blest you with two children, and pray 
that He would make them a blessing to you. Present my 
kind and hearty love and respects to your wife, though 
unknown. My dear wife presents the same to you both ; 
and, if you were within her reach, she would tell you that 
you are not the same Nathaniel, the Israelite, she once 
took you to be. We often talk of you, but cannot hear 
from you. My children all present their humble respects 
to yourself and lady and young ones. My youngest child 
living, is twelve years old. 

Dear Brother, I request you to give me a particular 
account of your circumstances ; and I hope you do not in- 
tend to spend all your days in India, but will return into 
England, and so into New England. We want such men ; 
and now you have gotten you an estate, the business is to 
contrive how to lay it out for the glory of God and the 
good of yourself and yours ; which, I conceive, may be 
done as well in New England as any where. We yet 
enjoy the free liberty of the Gospel ; blessed be God for 
it ! I pray God that you and I may mind the one thing 
needful ; and may not be cumbered with the honours, 
profits, and pleasures of the world, so as to lose our in- 
terest in Christ and eternal glory ; for to lose our souls in 
gaining the world, will prove a bad bargain. So leaving 
you to the protection and blessing of the Almighty, I 
remain, &c. 

John Higginson. 

204 Higginson Letters. 

To Mr. Matthew Collet 

Salem, 20th August, 1697. 


I have a Brother who is President of Fort St. George in 
the East Indies, with whom, I understand you have a cor- 
respondence. Whilst he was in England, I had frequent 
letters from him almost by every ship ; but since he left 
England, I have not received one letter from him ; which 
I have much wondered at ; but suppose his letters have 
miscarried some way or other. I have several times heard 
of him by the way of Barbadoes, from the East India ships 
that have arrived there, that he has gained a great estate. 
My Brother, in his letter to my Father of 11th June, 1695, 
advises him that he had sent a Bill drawn by Captain 
Bluet on the owners of his ship for £180 sterling, payable 
to yourself and my uncle Whitfield ; and desired you to 
remit the same to my father ; but does not say it was on 
bottomry. You advise that it was, and that the ship being 
lost, the money is also lost. I much wonder that my 
Brother should run such an adventure on such an occasion ; 
but, if it be so, we must submit to the sovereign pleasure 
of God. I hope that you advised him thereof. He did also 
say, that if he did not meet with extraordinary loss, he 
would send more. Now, Sir, I request you please to send 
the inclosed letters to him by some safe hands, and en- 
courage him to send something as a token of his love to 
us, in some safer way than the last. And, Sir, if in any 
thing I may be serviceable to yourself here, you may freely 
command him who is 

Your humble servant, 

John Higginson. 

Higginson Letters. 205 

To Mr. Nathaniel Higginson, 

16. 4. 1699. 

Dear Brother Nathaniel. 

It is now sixteen years since you left England, from 
whence, while you were there, I had often refreshing let- 
ters from you. But now, what climate have you got into 
that makes you forget your Father's house ? I have not 
received one line from you since you left England, though 
you have had so many opportunities by England, Holland, 
Barbadoes. What is it that we have offended you in, that 
you will not afford one line in so many years ? Have the 
honours, profits, &c, of the world quite swallowed vou 
up ? 

Our honoured Father is yet alive, and in a good measure 
of health. He preaches his turn on sabbaths and lectures. 

The late war with France and the Indians, which held 
almost ten years, has greatly impoverished this town ; by 
which means my Father's salary has been much abated, 
and he much straitened in providing for sister Ann, her 
children, Thomas, and sister Wharton's children ; by which 
I am made a younger brother. Sarah Wharton is married 
to one John Cotta. Bethiah remains single. The war 
has also damnified me, not only by losses, but by being 
put out of a way. I have had a pretty large family of my 
own, and relations ; and the several places I have held in 
civil and military concerns, have taken up much of my 
time, and not been advantageous to my estate. I have 
now living five children, viz., Mary Weld, who has been- 
twice married, John, married to Hannah Gardner, and has 
two children, Elizabeth and John, so that there are four of 
that name in a line now living. Nathaniel who is nine- 
teen years old, is a prentice at Mr. B. Browne's, Sarah, 
who is to be married the next week, co Nathaniel Ha- 
thorne ; Elizabeth the youngest, ; s fifteen years old. The 
marrying and settling my children, has much abated my 
quick stock ; though I have an estate in house and land, &c. 

206 Higginson Letters. 

I hear that you have attained to a very considerable estate, 
some say £300,000, some 2, some one. However, if 
it be more than you daily use for your advantage, you 
would do the part of a Brother, to lend me some part of it, 
which would cause me to live better in the world, nor do 
yourself nor yours any hurt. Remember what Joseph did 
for his father's house. I pray you to find out some way to 
send me a letter, with an account of your health and con- 
cerns, and when we may expect your return to us. With 
mine, my wife's, children and grandchildren's kind love 
and respects to yourself, and your good wife and children, 
I pray God to bless you all, and to give you of the dew of 
heaven and fulness of the earth, and remain, &c. 

J. Higginson. 

A copy of Father Higginson's Letter. 
My dear and beloved Son, 

I received a letter from you dated 1695, wherein you 
informed me that you was married and had two children; 
and that you had sent £180 to me and other relations 
here. Though it pleased God to dispose of it that it was 
taken by the French, your love and kindness in it were no 
less real than if we had received it. It is the Lord that 
gives and takes as he pleases. 

Having a probable opportunity of sending, I could not 
omit a few lines to inform you that all your relations here 
are in statu quo prius, and myself enjoying in some respects 
better health than formerly ; enabled, through mercy, to 
preach on the sabbath and lecture-days as formerly, and 
my voice (they say), is heard well in our great Meeting- 

The French and Indian war, with other calamities, have 
greatly impoverished, diminished and brought low New 
England ; and the people, in a way of contribution, paying 
but a half so much as they did, I and my family, and espe- 
cially your brother John, by extraordinary losses, have been 
brought low and kept so ; thus I have little left to give 

Higginson Letters. 201 

when I die. Before your letter came, when, being sick, and 
thinking I should die, I gave back to the Town between 4 
or £500 arrearages due to me (by the law and agreement 
of rating), upon condition of their maintaining Anna dur- 
ing her life, and doing something for Thomas, if he return- 
ed from his wandering. This was settled, and recorded by a 
vote of the Town, being accepted by them, and no recall- 
ing it. The truth is, I had an expectation of something 
from you, that might have been a supply to your brother 
John especially; and it did not a little trouble me that 
you did not at all write to him, nor send any thing to him; 
whereas you two brothers had rejoiced one in another in your 
younger time. He is a worthy man ; of singular prudence 
in managing affairs; a Major; a Justice of Peace; often 
chosen a Representative ; frequently employed in arbitra- 
tions; and his family of five children are grown up, and 
neither he nor I can do that for them that the case doth 
require. I doubt not but you are and will be spirited as 
Joseph towards your Brethren; and that your bowells do 
yearn towards your own flesh and blood ; having begun 
to show it already in that which you sent, and in that 
which you expressed in your letter that you intended more, 
if the Lord pleased to preserve your estate from extreme 
losses, &c. And though I do not believe half of what is 
reported by credible persons concerning your estate, yet 
I cannot but believe that God has given so much as I and 
all your relations could not have expected ; and must 
ascribe it to the mere good pleasure of God that you may 
be enabled to serve God and man in a higher way than 
others, and to enjoy the fruit of your labor and to be help- 
ful to your relations in such a manner and measure as 
their need and case do require, and as may be acceptable 
to God's honour, to yourself, a comfort to them, and of 
good report amongst all. 

We are informed that the new East India Company 
being begun, you are at liberty to return. When it 
pleases God to bring you safe to London, either your 
brother John or one of his sons may go and visit you 
there, if you give them encouragement so to do : Only, 
they say, you will stay awhile there to order and settle 

My daily prayers to God for you are that he would bless 

208 Higginson Letters. 

you and yours with all spiritual and temporal blessings, 
for soul and body, for this life and the life to come. So I 
commend you to the grace of God in Christ Jesus, and rest 
Your loving father J. Higginson. 

20th June, 1699. 

To the same. 

Salem, 3d October, 1669. 

Dear Brother Nathaniel. 

Now I have before me your kind letter dated 26th of 
September, 1698, which came to my hand on the 3d of 
August, '99; by which I am sensible that there is a possi- 
bility of communication between us ; upon the reading 
whereof I was much rejoiced to learn of your health, and 
that God has continued your life, and blessed you with a 
good wife, four children, and other blessings; and it has 
conceived some secret hopes in me that I and our honored 
father may be made happy in the enjoyment of your good 
company in New England ; which I pray God to grant in 
his due time. 

Dear brother, I believe you may live as happily in New 
England as in any part of the world; and may have more 
respect showed you here than in England; there being- 
there many that will be your superiors, and many your 
equals; but it will not be so here; and if you have a sup- 
plie of estate, more than may be necessary to improve in 
trade, you may here lay it out to good advantage in housen 
and lands at Boston, which, in suitable places, will yield 
ten per cent. ; and in unimproved lands, which do often 
increase in value considerably more than the interest of 
money at six per cent., which is the interest allowed here 
by law. 

The account you give about your wife and children is 
very acceptable to me ; that she is an English woman, and 
came of so good a stock. Tell that dear soul, your good 
wife, that, if she will come and live among us, we will 

i Higginson Letters. 209 

love her and hers affectionately; treat her civilly; serve 
her heartily. We reckon that we have as good, sociable, 
civil, honest women in our country as in any part of the 
world; and she will find them so, if she will come and 
try. What you propose of living in Boston and managing 
a wholesale trade of East India goods, I approve of, as 
best for you. That is a place of great trade, and all the 
neighboring colonies are mostly supplied from thence. 
All sorts of calicoes, aligers, remwalls, muslin, silks for 
clothing and linings; all sorts of drugs proper for the 
apothecaries, and all sorts of spice, are vendible with us ; 
and the prices of them alter much according as they are 
plenty or scarce. In the late war time, all East India 
goods were extremely dear. Muslins of the best sort, 
plain, striped, and flowered, were sold for £10 per piece, 
and some more. Pepper, 3s. per lb., nuts,* 10s. per lb., 
cloves, 20s., mace, 30s.; but now are abated about a 
quarter part in value. Some of the China ware, toys, and 
i lacquer ware will sell well, but no great quantity. As 
for ambergris, w r e often have it from the West Indies, and 
it is sold for about 3 per oz. For musk, bezoar, pearl, 
|and diamond, I believe some of them may sell well, but I 
(understand not their value. And besides East India goods, 
jyou may do well to bring some European goods, of which 
all things necessary for the comfort of man's life, and the 
'carrying on the fishing trade will turn to account ; — except 
those things which are produced here. 

I am sorry to hear that there is such a crew of pirates 

Bin your parts; and do doubtf that what you intimate of 

[(New York, Providence, and the West Indies is too true. 

| Frederick Phillips of York, it is reported, has had a private 

(jtrade to Madagascar for near twenty years, and it is said 

(has attained an estate of 100,000 pounds. But I assure 

jjyou the government of this place has always been severe 

jlwith all such ; and, at this time, there are many men in 

pur gaol for piracy ; namely, Captain Kidd, who went 

(from England with a ship and commission to take pirates, 

but turned pirate himself, and robbed many ships in the 

(East Indies, and thence camo into the West Indies, and 

j:here disposed of much of his wealth ; and at last came 

* Nutmegs. t i. e. apprehend. 

210 Higginson Letters. 

into these parts with some of his stolen goods ; who was 
here seized, and some of his men, and goods, who are in 
irons, and wait for a trial. And there was one Bradish, 
a Cambridge man, who sailed in an interloper bound for 
India, who, in some part of the East Indies, took an 
opportunity, when the captain and some of the officers 
were on shore, to run away with the ship, and came upon 
our coast, and sunk their ship at Block Island, and brought 
much wealth ashore with them; but Bradish, and many of 
his company, and what of his wealth could be found, were 
seized and secured. But Bradish, and one of his men, 
broke prison and run away amongst the Indians ; but it is 
supposed that he will be taken again. 

It is reported that the King has sent several men-of-war 
into the East Indies, to secure those coasts therewith. If 
so, I hope that you will have a safe convoy for England. 

As for Mr. Humphrey Osland, soon after I received 
your letter I went to Charlestown ; and as I entered the 
town, I enquired for him of old and young, but could not 
hear that ever any such man had lived there. I went 
over to Boston, and enquired there, but no news of him; 
but, as I returned back, I met with one who knew him, 
and told me that he lived at New Cambridge. I wrote to 
him, and he sent me the enclosed letter to his sister, which 
I hope will give her the satisfaction she desires. 

And finally, dear brother and sister, I, my wife, and 
children, and all your friends, relatives, and acquaintance, 
do earnestly and heartily desire to see you and enjoy your 
good company here in New England ; and pray God, and 
you, it may be so. 

Dear brother, you had your education" here, and you do 
owe some service to your country. Come, and pay it. 
It is possible you may see your aged father, before he dies. 

Higginson Letters. 211 

To Mr. Matthew Collet, linen-draper, at the Artichoke, 
on Corn-hill, London. 

3. 8. '99 


I received your letter of the 6th of June last, with a 
welcome, inclosed, letter from my Brother; and return 
you my hearty thanks for your care and trouble therein. 
And because I am sensible that, besides your trouble, 
there is cost in the postage of letters, I have sent you a 
piece of Arabian gold to pay the charge thereof, and I do 
further request the favor of you, that you would please to 
[forward the inclosed packet of letters to my brother in 
llndia. He has informed my father, that he has sent £100 
to yourself to be conveyed to him, the which, if it be not 
[already invested, please to lay it out, and send it, accord- 
ling to my brother's direction, in the goods following : 

!£5,0,0 2 pis. black crape of 40s. and 50s. first cost. 
6,0,0 4 pis. worsted damask, lively colors. 

I 5,0,0 6 pis. toys, lively colors. 
4,0,0 2 pis. silk stuffs. 

Ijl0,0,0 £10 in round thread hollands of a 2 per ell. 

j; 16,0,0 5 C weight of fishing lines, of 12 threads, 40 
fathoms, weighing a 25 per doz., which usu- 
ally cost a 6d — 7d per lb. 

1 10,0,0 £10 in colored, striped and flowered calico. 

i 15,0,0 £15 in bl. castors, 5 to 19 and bl. felts; in the 

I 5,0,0 6 lb. cloth colored sewing and stick silk. 

1 20,0,0 £20 in nails sorted, small sort in one cask. 

4,0,0 £4= in black fine linen, ordinary for mourning. 

; Please to take care in the buying them up that all may 
»e good of the sort, and well bought. 

Sir, the care and trouble herein will greatly oblige him 
!/ho will at all times be ready to serve you to his power; 
md remains Your humble Servant, J. H. 

212 Higginson Letters. 

A Copy of Mr. Noyes's letter £o Nathaniel Higginson. 

3. 8. '99. 

Honored Sir, 

When I first heard of your going to the East Indies, I 
was smitten with sorrow something like that when our 
friends depart out of this world; and I am convinced it 
was not without cause, — for you are nearly under the 
earth, and for a long time I have comforted myself in vain 
with respect to your resurrection. At your departure 
your reverend father told me you thought to hide yourself 
from the evil of the times for the space of seven years, and 
then returne ; but " he must not expect to see you returne, 
for he could not expect to live seven years;" but though 
through the grace of God he hath more than doubled the 
time, as if he must see you before he die : — and why not, 
as well as Isaac was visited by his son Jacob after more 
than twice seven years absence. When his apprentice- 
ships were out, neither his wives, nor his children, nor 
his estate hindered him ; he must needs be gone from 
Padan Aram, because his soul longed after his father's 
house. Sir, you know how the lord of Egypt expressed 
his affection to his father on every occasion, when he knew 
the good old man was yet alive, and how his father must 
needs see him before he died. I know the same fatherly 
affection works strongly upon yQur aged and honored 
father, and I do not think but that the same filial affection 
works in one of your grace and good nature. You have 
no father-in-law, no Laban, to detain you; no brother 
incensed to essay to terrifie you from returning as Jacob 
had; but a loving brother, Lieutenant Colonel John Hig- 
ginson, one of his Majesty's Justices of the peace, that 
bears your absence with much impatience, and doth most 
earnestly desire and long for your returne, and so do his 
virtuous wife and children. Moreover, it is the unani- 
mous desire of your contemporaries, your old friends and 
acquaintance, amongst whom I reckon myself, though 
otherwise very inconsiderable, yet a passionate lover of 
yourself; and I pray the Lord of heaven to incline your 
heart to meditate a returne, and by his wise, gracious, and 

Higginson Letters. 213 

powerful providence to compass it for you. And if it 
should please God, who orders the bounds of all our 
habitations, to effect it, I believe it will be as joyful a 
meeting as ordinarily the best relations and friends have 
upon earth. Sir, it would be an honor and ornament to 
Salem to have so honorable and worthy a person well 
settled in it; and a peculiar gratification to your relations, 
— -father, mother, brother, and to myself if it should so hap- 
pen. But if that should not suit with your inclinations, or 
occasions, or grandeur, Boston may, which is much more 
populous, rich, and stately, than when you left it, and a 
very considerable place for shipping and merchandizing. 
And if that should not suit neither, but you should count 
that would be but to go out of one India to another, yet 
surely London will. And, for my owne part, if you were 
in the Christian world, I would labor to be content, 
though I am not thoroughly acquainted with the circum- 
stances of the present place of your abode as to religion 
and the advantages and disadvantages yourself and yours 
have for your souls ; yet I fear you dwell in Meshec, or at 
least sojourn in the tents of Kedar, which David counted a 
w r oful thing. If you imitate, as I doubt not you do, that 
godly man, you cannot but desire to lay your young ones 
nigh the altar of God, and to dwell in the house of the 
Lord all the days of your life. I know not what further 
to add ; but shall rest in the will of God. Perhaps I have 
been too bold. If I have, let my kindness excuse my 
boldness. If there be more obstacles in the way of your 
ireturn, than I am aware of, and it may not be, I conclude 
ia.ll ray desire in this, that God of his grace would make us 
jmeet for a joyful meeting in the kingdom of our Lord and 
(Saviour Jesus Christ, to whom, with the Father be glory 

This, with the offers of my service to yourself and lady 
iand children, whom God preserve and bless, — I remaine 
Your friend and humble servant, 

Nicholas Noyes. 


214 Higginson Letters, 

Fort St George, 6 Oct. 1699. 

Dear Brother, 

In February last I wrote you under cover to Mr. Collet, 
the copy whereof I have not, and by misfortune, a letter 
which I received from you since is mislaid, so that I 
cannot answer it. 

Finding some difficulties in the station wherein the 
Honorable Company had placed me, I requested them to 
appoint ^t successor and to give me leave to continue in 
their service in a lower station, having then thoughts of 
staying in India. But upon the coming of a new President 
in July 1698, and the controversys in England rising high 
about the East India trade, I resolved to return to 
England, having in the September following quitted all 
public employment that I might be at leisure to settle my 
affairs and clear all accounts in India, and indeed designed 
to go this season : but the ship is so small that she cannot 
afford accommodation for my large family ; and therefore 
I am forced to stay till February next, when, with God's 
leave, I shall go and at present foresee nothing to 

I have formerly acquainted you that I married Eliza- 
beth, the daughter of one Mr. John Richards, who came 
out for India eighteen years ago to be chief of Ballasow 
factory in Bengal. He brought his wife and two daughters 
with him, but died on the passage out, and his wife and 
one daughter died in Bengal in a few years after their 
arrival, and my wife is the only surviving person of the 

We were married in May 1692, and have five children. 
Elizabeth, born 3 December 1693, Richards, 18th May 
1695, Nathaniel, 30 May 1696, Sarah, 2 December 1697, 
and John, 23 August 1699, and through God's mercy all 

My wife was, when a very young orphan, placed under 
the care of Mrs. Mary Large, who initiated into her the 
principles of piety, and caused her to learn the Malabar, 
Genhow and Portuguese languages very perfectly. Mrs. 

Higginson Letters. 215 

Large took my eldest daughter from me when very young, 
and hath taken such care and pains in her instruction, 
that before five years old she could read well in the Bible, 
which she hath read over the greatest part, and upon 
reading an historical chapter in English can give a very 
good account of the contents in the Portuguese language. 

My wife has an inclination to go to New England, and 
my own longing desire to see my friends makes me think 
of it often ; but I cannot resolve till I come to England, 
where I shall refer the determination to the direction of 
God's providence, which hath hitherto carried me through 
many difficulties. But there are some circumstances, 
arising from the Company's business, whereof I can fore- 
see, but have some reason to doubt the issue. It would 
be in vain to trouble you with particulars. 

I have gone through the most considerable employment 
in the Company's service in India, and have had oppor- 
tunities enough for gaining a great estate, which, though I 
have not, yet I thank God I have a good one, as I account 
it, because gained by God's blessing upon my laborious dili- 
gence, without indirect courses, and I have enough for me. 

I have acquainted you so particularly with my circum- 
stances, because I believe you desire to know how it is 
with me, and that you may join with me in acknowledg- 
ing the goodness of God who led me out from my father's 
house with my staff; and I trust in the same goodness 
that he will lead me safe back, and give me opportunity 
of doing some good to my relations. 

And I am particularly solicitous, how I may be service- 
able to yourself. In order to which I have desired you 
(in my last letter as I remember) to give me a particular 
account of the trade of New England, both to England and 
other parts ; and if you can give an encouraging proposal, 
I shall readily do all that lies in my power to prosecute it 
in such manner as will be most for your advantage, by 
(giving you consignments not only from myself but others, 
iwhom I can probably engage to join with me. I therefore 
.desire to be satisfied in the following questions. 

1. How a stock of five or ten thousand pounds may^e 

2. Whether two ships can be employed constantly be- 
tween England and New England with that stock, and of 
I what burthen. 

216 Higginson Letters. 

3. How many trips can one ship make between England 
and New England, and what are the proper seasons of 

4. How may Barbadoes, Jamaica, Virginia or other 
places in the West Indies, or in Europe, be made use of 
in carrying on trade between England and New England, 
and please to name the correspondents whom you have 
employed or known in any such places. 

5. Whether Salem or Boston be the best port for trade. 

6. If Boston, whether you can manage business there 
while your residence is in Salem. 

7. List of goods usually imported and exported to and 
from New England, with their prices and quantity vendi- 
ble or procurable. 

I should be glad to meet your answer in England, 
where I may probably arrive in July or August 1700. If 
you receive my former letter, I hope you will send a 
speedy answer, having ordered my attorneys in England, 
William Halsen, Esq. (who now goes home from hence) 
and Mr. Matthew Collett to open and peruse your letters, 
and if they find encouragement from your advice, and if 
they can continue to consign any sum, not exceeding one 
thousand pounds, to you for my account; which, if they 
shall do before my arrival in England, I desire you to 
make as quick teturns as you can possibly. 

You have never advised me that I remember, how you 
have educated your children. If you could meet with an 
opportunity of sending one of them who hath been bred a 
merchant and unmarried, so as to meet me in England in 
July or August 1700, I should be glad to see him, and, if 
it please God to carry me safe thither, I shall endeavor to 
put him into some business suitable to his capacity and 
experience, if you shall give me power to dispose of him 
as opportunity shall offer. It seems probable that the 
tw T o East India Companies will unite into one, in which 
case I think I could procure his going in their service 
according to his capacity, or possibly send him to India on 
a single voyage to China, whither the Company do yearly 
send a ship or two with factors, who go and return *with 
the ship, there being no settlement in China. The latter 
(of voyaging) would be the best employment that I know 
for a young man. 

Higginson Letters. 217 

There is no great dependence to be placed on projects, 
at so great a distance, because we cannot know what acci- 
dents may intervene and prevent, and indeed it would be 
a presumption in me to promise things that are so little in 
my own power. I can only promise that if he comes and 
if I live, I will do my part, exerting all that is in my power 
to provide an employment for him; and if that fail in 
England, if I come to New England, will bring him with 

The unhappy miscarriage of Thomas has much troubled 
me. I have never heard any thing of him in India, 
though I have met with several who have been taken by 
pirates and returned or escaped. There are newly arrived 
four men-of-war (now in this road) who have brought an 
embassador from the new Company to the Mogul, and in 
their passage out touched at Madagascar, but met with no 
pirates. They have left the embassador ashore at Melch- 
lepalam (on this coast) and are proceeding in quest of 

pirates, being sent 

# ^ & # 

[The remainder is lostl] 

Salem, 29th August, 1700. 

Dear Brother, 

Three days since, I received your letter of 6th October, 
1699, from Fort St. George, which gives me much hope 
that I shall once again be made happy in the enjoyment of 
your good company ; or at least, that you will come with- 
in reach of my pen. I hope by this time, you, with your 
dear wife and children, are safely arrived in England. I 
thank you for the particular account you have given me of 
your circumstances, which is very acceptable to me. Tell 
your dear wife I hold myself much obliged to her, that she 
has an inclination to come to New England, which I hope 
is a good presage of her arrival here. 

I sent a large packet of letters to Mr. Collet, to be com- 

218 Higginson Letters. 

municated to you ; which he advised he had sent away in 
January last ; and because I suppose you will not meet 
with them, I have enclosed here a copy of my father, Mr. 
Higginson's, (not of my owne) letter. Others, as Mr. 
Sewall's, Peter Thacher's, and Major Sewall's, I had no 
copy of ; that you may in part see how desirous we are of 
enjoying you here. 

I now come to answer your question : 1st, you say " may 
a stock of 5 or 10 thousand pounds be employed ? I an- 
swer, the trade of New England is large. We trade to 
all parts where the law doth not prohibit. Our principal 
commodities are dry merchandise, cod-fish fit for the mar- 
kets of Spaine, Portugal, the Straits, also refuse dry fish, 
mackerel, lumber, horses and provision for the West In- 
dies ; the effects whereof mostly return for England. The 
returnes made directly hence for England, are chiefly 
sugar, molasses, cotton-wool, logwood and brazilla-w r ood ; 
for which, we are beholden to the West Indies. Of our 
owne produce, we have a considerable quantity of whale 
and other fish-oyles, whale bone, furrs, deer, elk and bear 
skins ; which are usually sent for England. We have also 
silver, lead, and copper mines ; but, for want of artists, 
there has been little got out of them. In all or any of 
which, a man may employ his money. 

2d. " Whether 2 ships can be employed constantly be- 
tween England and New England with that stock, and of 
what burden 1 " I answer ; 2 ships may be employed 
with the stock of a 100 tons or more ; but here is much 
shipping, freight very low, and it is a query whether you 
had not better ship upon freight, than either hire or owne 
vessels. The factor here may always have freight when 
he can provide it. 

3d. " How many trips can one ship make, in one year, 
between England and New England ; and w T hat are the 
proper seasons of voyaging 8 V I answer, It is possible 
for a ship to make two trips in a year, but it is seldom 
done. The season for voyaging is almost all the year ; the 
dead of winter most difficult to come on this coast ; the 
best time between April and November. 

4th. "How may Barbadoes, Jamaica, Virginia, and other 
places in the West Indies or in Europe, be made use of in 
carrying on a trade between England and New England ? 

Higginson Letters. 219 

Please to name the correspondent whom you have employ- 
ed, or known, in any such place. " I answer, that Barba- 
does, Jamaica, Virginia, and other places in the West Indies, 
are very proper to be made use of in making returns for 
England, of their commodities, the more advantageous than 
direct from hence. For instance, molasses has been this 
year at 12d a gallon, besides the charge of casks, &c, in 
Barbadoes ; and much molasses, which has been shipped 
of hence for England, cost here 2s a gallon, besides other 
charges of commission, cooperage, &c. The freight from 
Barbadoes being much the same as from hence, I judge it 
more advantageous to have returns of that kind from Bar- 
badoes, than from New England ; sugar and cotton are 
much the same. Places proper in Europe to make returns 
to England from, and are much improved for that end, from 
hence, are Bilboa, Cadiz, Oporto, and the Streights ; where 
the markets are variable, according to the plenty or scarci- 
ty of the commodities. For correspondents in Barbadoes, 
I have had business with Mr. William Adams and his 
brother Conrad Adams. William served his time in this 
towne with Major Browne ; has now married a good for- 
tune in Barbadoes, and understands business well, and is 
a faithful man. His brother Conrad lived some time in 
this towne, is now at Barbadoes, a worthy man. If any 
thing considerable should be sent that way, it may be best 
to consign them in partnership for France and Leward 
Islands. I know none there ; but here is one John Brad- 
street, son of Doctor Samuel Bradstreet, about 24 years 
old, who served his time with Moses Byfield and Mico ; 
'who has an estate in Jamaica, and is going this fall to settle 
I there, whom I would commend to you, if you have occa- 
sion to send thither. At Jamaica, are sugar and log-wood 
ifor returns, and other things ; peices of eight, &c, for 
j Bilboa, Couzin Hayler can inform you. 

5th. " Whether Salem or Boston be the best place for 
« trade ?" Answer, Boston, in some respects, Salem in 
•others. Both well improved, may do well. 

6th. "If Boston, whether you can manage business at 
(Boston while you reside at Salem ? " For answer there- 
lunto, I would propound to your consideration, that I have 
[a son whose name is Nathaniel, now at prentice with Mr. 
f Benjamin Browne, who has given his master great satis- 

220 Higginson Letters, 

faction in his service ; is twenty-one years of age the 1st 
of April next ; and then out of his time. I intend, God 
willing, he shall wait upon you by the first ship after he is 
out of his time, and hope he will be very capable of busi- 
ness, being bred up a Salem merchant, and went to the 
Latin school till he was fourteen years old. Now if any 
business considerable should happen, I do propound that 
my son Nat., should live at Boston, and manage a ware- 
house there, and what goods may be proper for our trade 
at Salem, I would manage here, and should be often also 
at Boston, to oversee and assist there ; also my eldest son 
John, whom I brought up at home, is very capable of busi- 
ness, a very hopeful young man as any in our towne, sober 
and judicious. He was married at 20 years of age to 
Hannah, daughter to Captain Samuel Gardner ; is now 25 
years old ; has made a good progress in the world ; built 
him a good house ; has one fishing vessel ; is Lieutenant 
of one of our military companies, and register to the Judge 
for probate of wills and granting administrations for this 
county ; and well accepted in the place. Now, if business 
worth while should offer, he may likewise be concerned. 
He has one daughter, and 2 sons, Mary, John and Samuel. 
There is now in England, one Mr. Edward Broomfield, a 
Merchant of Boston, and a Justice of peace ; another to 
whom I refer you for further satisfaction about these mat- 
ters. He married our Colonel Danforth's daughter. And 
I would further propound my opinion, that, considering 
that money is of late grown so exceeding scarce amongst 
us, that the making of returns for England, by the way of 
Barbadoes, Leeward-Islands, Bilboa, Oporto, Cadiz, and 
Isle of Wight, would be more easy and safe than direct for 
England ; and it's probable, more advantageous ; because, 
money being scarce, and returns direct, difficult to be got, 
debts must be contracted to procure money, which will be 
hardly got in ; whereas, a man may sell more goods, and 
better get in his debts more speedily and certainly, for 
barter of goods for those markets, than direct. 

1th. I have enclosed and sent a list of those goods 
which I judge proper for Salem trade, and as near as I 
know the cost in England, and what they may be sold 
here ; though there must be allowance given for variation 
of prices here and there, as they may happen to be scarce 

Higginson Letters. 221 

or plenty, — for there, goods and every thing (which is not 
the produce of this country), that is fit for the use of man- 
kind for use and delight, is proper : Though I do not advise 
to send any extra high priced things, the meaner sort most 

Your former letter you mention, is not yet come to my 
hand. I have not received any from you, since that of 
26th of September, 1698. 

If your attornys, before your arrival, or yourself after 
your arrival, should see cause to send any goods to me, I 
shall endeavor faithfully to do my utmost for your advan- 
tage, and follow the direction given me thereabout. For 
any thing you may be desirous to know about the circum- 
stances of the trade, government and concerns of this 
country, the forenamed Mr. Broomfield will fully satisfy 

It is reported that the Earle of Bellamont, our present 
Governour, is like to be sent for home to England. If so 
that you should incline to give yourself up to the fatigues 
and trouble of Government, its possible you may obtain it, 
and I believe you would be very acceptable to the general- 
ity of the people. 

I have not heard any thing of our brother Thomas, since 
he went away out of this country ; do'nt doubt he is come 
to some untimely end. 

I do heartily thank you for the good will you express in 
your letter to me and mine, and hope there will some good 
arise to us therefrom ; but dear brother, the uncertainty of 
markets at home and abroad ; the scarcity of money ; the 
doubts I have, that there will not be an encouraging profit 
in sending this way, make me doubt # that you and I shall 
be frustrated in our expectation. However, if when you 
have had the best advice you can from hence and in Eng- 
land concerning trade, if you see cause to be concerned 
this way, I will do you the best service I can. 

Dear brother, I, my wife and children, do desire heart- 
ily, that we may be made happy in the enjoyment of your 
good company and advice before other things. My dear 
wife saith that she is almost reconciled to * * * * 

[The remainder of this letter is lost.] 
* Apprehend. 


222 Colonel Quarry's Memorial, 

[There is also a paper written by the venerable parent, dated May 1, 
1705, entitled " My last words to my children." It begins with stating, 
that he came to New England in the year 1629, with his honored 
Father ; that he was " acknowledged to be a member of the purest 
[church] of Salem, and upon examination by the Pastor, was received 
to full communion, and admitted to the Lord's Supper." — We learn, 
elsewhere, that " he was the first person admitted to this church, after 
its formation." — In the writing before us, in a strain of deep and solemn 
piety, he gives his paternal counsels; and thus concludes; — "Amongst 
other good books, I desire you to read often, my little book of making 
peace with God. It contains the substance of all saving truth : and so 
the grace of our Lord Jesus Christ be with you all. Amen. 

Your dying father, John Higginson.] 



Copied from a MS. in the Library of the British Museum ; 
and communicated to the Massachusetts Historical Society, 
by J. Francis Fisher, Esq., of Philadelphia ; a Cor- 
responding Member. 

[Colonel Quarry was Judge of the Admiralty in New York and Penn- 
sylvania, and a kind of Government Spy in this country. See the 
Memoirs of the Pennsylvania Historical Society, for a memorial of his, 
on the subject of the state of the Colony of Pennsylvania and William 
Penn's replies. He was said to be of the council for five governments 
at one time, viz. New York, New Jersey, Pennsylvania, Maryland and 
Virginia. Beverley, in his History of Virginia, pp. 92, 96 and 97, rep- 
resents him as joining with Nicholson, the then Governor of that Co- 
lony, in unfavorable representations against the Colonies. He died 
about the year 1712.] 


The State of Pennsylvania. — I received your Lordships 
Letter of the 25th of ffebruary, with her Majesty's Order 
in Council, relating to the Courts of Judicature in this 
Province and the three lower Counties, which I do assure 
your Lordships, came very seasonably to quiet the minds 
of the People, which were in a perfect ferment, occasioned 
by the Proceedings of the last Sessions, held the 10th of 

Courts of Judicature in Pennsylvania. — In my last, I gave 
your Lordships an Account that the Goal of this place was 
thronged with Murderers and ffelons, and that Governour 
Hamilton had given a Special Commission to two Gentle- 
men, to try to make a Goal Delivery : But the Jury sum- 
moned, would not serve on matters of so high a nature, as 
the lives of the Queen's subjects, since Mr. Hamilton was 
not qualified as the Law directs, not having Her Majesty's 
approbation ; so that Commission fell ; and, in a few days 
after the Sessions came on, there was a strong debate upon 
the Bench, about trying of these murderers and ffelons. 
Some were cautious, and proposed to have them tryed by 
Judges, Jury and Evidences, sworn and qualified according 
to Law, but the Major Part carried it, for trying them with- 
out any Oath, or so much as the Affirmation to be taken 
either by Judges, Jury or Evidences, and accordingly they 
proceeded. At first the People could not believe that they 
were in earnest, but to their great astonishment, they found 
them as good as their words. 

Several of the Judges left the Bench and refused to act 
with 'em, and so did Mr. Pen's Attorney General, however 
they quickly appointed another Attorney, and proceeded. 
One person was found guilty of murder, whom they con- 
demned to be hanged, and pronounced the sentence of 
Death ; others the Jury found only guilty of manslaughter, 
who were immediately burnt in the hand, and put to their 
Clergy by the Court. All Quakers, and others for Rape 
and less crimes, discharged. 

224 , Colonel Quarry's Memorial. 

As soon as they had ended these Sessions, they dispatcht 
away a Messenger to Colonel Hamilton, to sign the War- 
rant of Execution ; but he lay very sick then in East-Jer- 
sey, and in two days after dyed, being the 26th of April ; 
so that the murderer hath by that means, as yet escaped 
hanging. I cannot sufficiently express the great conster- 
nation that possest the Spirits of People on this occation ; 
Every one made it their own case, and thought themselves 
not secure of their Lives under this Quaker Government ; 
if they must be tryed by Judges, Jury and Evidence, which 
are under no tye or obligation of an Oath, or so much as 
an Affirmation according to Law ; so that when your Lord- 
shipp's letter came, with the Queen's order in Council, 
they could not forbear Publick Rejoicing. 

The Queen's Letter presented.- — And now my Lords, give 
me leave to acquaint you, that in obedience to your com- 
mands, I attended on the President and Council, and shew- 
ed them Her Majesty's Order, which was read ; after which 
they were pleased to say, that they would readily comply 
with the Queen's Orders, in what lay in their Powers, and 
not contrary to their consciences. I thought this too gen- 
eral an answer, and prest them to give a more positive 
one, which they have promised to do, in fifteen days time. 

I quickly found that they would evade that Order, by 
finding Persons fit for their purpose, that would either take 
the Oaths or the Affirmation ; But then they conclude that 
neither the Jury nor the Evidence are obliged to take 
either, but the Queen's Order ; but wee hope that your 
Lordshipps will please to get a further Explanation of Her 
Majesty's Orders, to secure Her Majesty's subjects from 
that greatest Evill ; and that in Criminal Matters, they 
may not be concerned on their Affirmation, since the Law 
Expects them. 

It seems very strange that that Government should ven- 
ture to act at that extravagant rate, when they know very 
well that there are complaints against them, before your 
Lordshipps, for presuming formally to try, condemn and 
execute the Queen's subjects, without either the Judges, 
Jury or Evidences being sworn : But they think Mr. Pen's 
interest so great with her Majesty and Ministers of State, 
that they may venture to doe any thing ; and indeed many 
believe them, seeing he hath interest enough to gain any 

Colonel Quarry's Memorial. 225 

point : The Death of Col. Hamilton will alter all his 
measures here, and gives us hopes that all things will now 
be settled on a sure foundation. 

Having perused the two Deeds granted to Mr. Pen, by 
King James when Duke of York, for the three lower coun- 
ties, and finding that no Powers of Government are con- 
veyed by them, and that no Commission was granted to 
him from the Crown, to exercise the Powers of Govern- 
ment, I could not imagine what colour or pretence he had, 
for assuming all the powers of Regal Government : At last 
by the assistance of one of his Officers, in searching the 
Records of this Province, I found the Law or Act of 
Assembly made here, which is the foundation of all his 
pretences. I have here enclosed, sent you a copy of it, 
by which your Lordshipps will see that he hath no powers 
but what he hath been pleased to give himself. 

I have enquired into the circumstances of passing that 
Act, and have this account from some of the persons that 
were Members of that Assembly ; who say that at Mr. 
Pen's first coming over into these parts, he did not in the 
least pretend to the Government of the Lower Counties : 
But after some considerable time, he employed his Agents 
about the Country, to persuade the people to petition him, 
that they might be united to his Province, and under one 
Government with them. They were told what a great 
advantage it would be to them, which induced them to 
comply. So that, in case the People have power to make 
Mr. Pen Governor, or he to make himself one, he is duly 
qualified : But if that cannot be, and is ridiculous to sup- 
pose, then I affirme he hath no pretence nor the least Right 
to the Government of the three lower Counties, and yet 
for him still to assume and exercise all Powers of Govern- 
ment, and to dispute his Right of Government with her 
Majesty, astonishes us all. 

Commission opened after Mr. Hamilton's death. — After the 
Death of Col. Hamilton, they opened a Commission which 
|Mr. Pen left at his going hence, in the hands of his Secre- 
tary. By which he appoynted that in case of Col. Ham- 
ilton's death, the administration of the Government of 
iPensylvania should be in the Council, but whether by 
design or mistake, he hath made no provision for the Gov- 
jernment of the Three lower Counties. His fFriends give 

226 Colonel Quarry's Memorial. 

out that it was by mistake, but others are of another opin- 
ion ; for when he went hence, he had no hopes of continu- 
ing the Government, and therefore was resolved to leave 
the three lower Counties in confusion. I doe most humbly 
propose, that your Honours will please to take some speedy 
course, for settling that country. 

The Three Lower Counties Valuable to the Crown. — The 
encouragement of the Three Lower Counties, will be of 
ten times the advantage to her Majesty in her Revenue, 
that the Province of Pensilvania is ; for all the Tobacco 
that is shipped out of this Bay, is produced in those Three 
Counties, the Trade of which will increase daily, if en- 

One Standard of Coynes beneficial to Trade and her Ma- 
jesties Colonies. — I thought myself obliged to acquaint your 
Lordshipps, that nothing could tend more to the encrease 
of Trade, and the prosperity and good of these parts of the 
world, than what your Lordshipps have proposed, the re- 
ducing all the Coynes of America to one standard ; And 
it will in the first place have this Effect, to prevent the 
carrying the money in specie out of her Majesty's Govern- 
ments of Virginia and New York, into the Proprietary 
Colonies, it will make most of the money center in Eng- 
land ; for those Provinces that do not produce such com- 
modities as are fit to be shipt for England, must be forced 
to send the pieces of 8 in Specie, to make returns for the 
goods they receive from thence, which they are forced to 
do sometimes now, though the difference of Exchange is 
in some places 30, 40, and in Pensilvania, 50 per cent 
worse than Sterling. It will make Trade Easy, give a 
general satisfaction to all sorts of people, and prevent the 
Labourers and Tradesmen from Quitting the Queen's Gov- 
ernments, to go and settle in the Proprietary Governments 
on the bare name of Great Wages, when in reality it is 
but a mere cheat : However, this Noyes and Gingle car- 
ries abundance of people from her Majesty's Plantations, 
where their labour doth vastly augment her Majesty's 
Revenue, in the improvement of those Commodities that 
pay a considerable duty ; whereas all their Labour and In- 
dustry in this, and the other Proprietary Governments, is 
of no advantage to the Crown. 

Account of the Disorders in Carolina. — I received Letters 

Colonel Quarry's Memorial. 227 

this week from South Carolina, which give me a very 
strange account of the great disorders which have happen- 
ed in that Government, since their unfortunate disappoint- 
ment and miscarriage against St. Augustine. The charge 
of this Expedition, hath fallen very heavy upon the Coun- 
try, and the ways and means for raising the money hath 
left them all together by the Ears. I will not trouble your 
Lordshipps with particulars, since you will have it at large 
from both Parties. 

Method of reducing St. Augustine : Advantages of it. — The 
Warr is continued very briskly, by the Indians which are 
under the English Government, and those under the Span- 
iards. Our Indians have in several Battles killed a great 
number of them, above 500 of them in one battle, besides 
Spaniards that were amongst them : They have also burnt 
many of their Towns, and destroyed almost all their corn, 
and provisions ; so that, unless St. Augustine be supplied 
from the Havanna, they cannot subsist long. Considering 
the condition of that place, it may be reduced with ease, 
and very little charge to her Majesty. I propose that one 
or two Men of Warr, in their way home from Jamaica, 
may as they come through the Gulf, stop at St. Augustine 
with a Bomb Ketch. Timely notice must be given to the 
Government of Carolina, that they may goe with their 
fforces by the Inland Passage, which they will undertake 
very readily, being fully satisfyed of the necessity of taking 
that place ; else they must expect nothing but ruine. 

I have sufficiently layed before your Lordshipps, the 
(advantage of reducing this place, not only in reference to 
(Carolina, but to all Her Majesty's Governments on the 
(Maine. It will put a stop to the French designs who are 
endeavouring from Canada, to secure the Inland parts of 
the whole Maine. 

I have formerly shewn the ways and means they make 
juse of, to effect this great design, but by our securing the 
Southern Parts, we shall prevent them, and break all their 
(measures by securing the Indians to the Interest of Eng- 
land, which will be easily effected, since they must depend 
Bupon us for the supply of Indian Trade. 

Port Royal preferable to St. JIugustine. — St. Augustine 
toeing reduced, Her Majesty may + hen either make that the 
(seat of Government, or demolish it and settle Port Royal, 

228 Colonel Quarry's Memorial 

which is on all accounts a far better place, in respect to 
its situation, goodness of land, but above all, it hath the 
advantage of a very good River. I can now assure your 
Lordshipps, that a very ingenious man and good artist, 
hath lately surveyed all that Coast and harbour, and found 
not less than four fathoms at low water, and it flows about 
six foot, which is water enough for a ffourth rate ship. I 
have formerly layed before your Lordshipps, the great 
advantage it will be to Her Majesty in settling this place 
which I refer to. 

Reasons of the disorder in Carolina. — And to proceed to 
give the reasons of the present distractions and confusions 
in South Carolina. 

The ffirst step was the great irregularity in the late 
Governour's venire in the Election of Assembly, in which 
were forcibly returned several persons, being chosen by 
persons not qualified, as negroes, aliens, seamen, and 
members of the Upper House, and all this to serve a turn. 
And amongst other designs, the main was for drawing out 
the Country into Arms, to attaque St. Augustines, when at 
the same time, they had neither Man of War, Bomb Ketch, 
nor Guns fit to make a breach ; so that the designe was 
contrary to all 'reason and sense. However, the Governor 
was resolved to prosecute the undertaking, though by so 
doing, he ran the hazard of ruining the whole Country, 
which will certainly be the consequence, unless your 
Lordshipps will please to prevail with Her Majesty, to 
assist in reducing that Place. 

After the defeat of this ill-managed Design, the next 
thing that lay before the Assembly, was to consider how 
to pay the Debt contracted on this Occasion, which amount- 
ed to no less than 8000 pounds. Those Gentlemen that 
were against carrying on the Warr, under all these unrea- 
sonable circumstances, were, however willing to pay the 
Debts, provided they might have those late abuses in the 
Election of the Assembly, and other grievances remedied. 
But the Governour refused these good offers, which forced 
more than half of the Assembly to withdraw, and enter 
their Protest : on which followed a great Ryot for many 
days. They broke open several Gentlemen's Houses, 
assaulted, beat and abused several Gentlemen of the best 
quality in the Country. Complaynt being made to the 

Colonel Quarry's Memorial. 229 

Governour, he refused to do them Justice, nor could they 
have Justice in the Court, upon an Indictment brought 
against the Ryoters. These confusions in the Country 
forced Sir Nathaniel Johnson to publish his Commission, 
which till then he had not. The abused complain to him, 
but he tells them it is now too late, but he would take care 
for the future, no such actions should be allowed. So for 
want of Justice, those Gentlemen that were abused and 
injured, resolved to send persons home, to complain and 
represent their case to your Lordshipps for redress. I will 
not take up more of your Lordshipps time on this subject, 
but refer you for particulars, to those Gentlemen that are 
gone home on purpose to attend on your Lordshipps about 
this business. 

The State of Neiv England. — I thought myself obliged to 
make some few remarks upon the Government of New 

In the first place, I believe it would be impossible for 
any Governour to serve the Interest of the Crown under 
the present Constitution of that Government, for as long 
as they have the choice of the Council, the Judges, the 
Sheriffs, and consequently the Juries, and all the other 
officers, they have nothing to hope for or fear from the 
Queen's Government. I cannot see what advantage it is 
to her Majesty, to have only the appointing of the Gov- 
ernor and Secretary : It gives them colour of opposing the 
commands of the Crown, and carrying on their own Inter- 
est, without running any hazard. Whereas, were the 
choice wholly in them, it would put them upon their 
guarde, make them very cautious what they did, and very 
ready to comply with the commands of the Crown, for fear 
they should forfeit and lose all : but now they have secured 
all they would have ; and in case of any wrong measure, 
misfortunes and any ill-conduct in Government, they will 
find pretences enough to lay all on her Majesty's Govern- 
our, so that they think themselves in far better circum- 
stances than ever. Besides the present Constitution of this 
Government, hath a great influence on all Her Majesty's 
Governments in America, in most of which I can assure 
your Lordshipps, that Commonwealth notions and Princi- 
ple, is too much improved with ; n these few years. The 
people are uneasy, that Her Majesty's Subjects in New 

230 Colonel Quarry's Memorial. 

England and the Proprietary Governments, should enjoy 
more Privileges and benefits in Government and Trade, 
than they do. 

This puts them upon Enquiry, Projects and Tryalls of 
Skill with their several Governours, in hopes to gain the 
same Privileges, which else they never would have thought 
on. This growing evil requires speedy application, and 
with humble submission to your Lordshipps, nothing will 
so effectually answer that end, as reducing all the Provinces 
on the maine of America, to one Standard Rule and Con- 
stitution of Government, as near as circumstances will 
admit ; and also to one Standard of. Coyn. The effecting 
of both is, and hath been for some time under your Lord- 
shipps consideration. I hope quickly to see it put in prac- 
tice. It will make all her Majesty's Governments easy 
satisfied and happy, and will tend to your Lordshipps 
eternal Honor, in being the Instruments of so. much good 
to all Her Majesty's Provinces. 

Colonel Dudley can prevail nothing.— Col. Dudley hath 
been forced already to dissolve two Assemblies, nor will 
the third any ways answer his Expectation : They being 
resolved to choose the very same Men. He hath shewn 
himself very active in endeavouring to secure the Frontiers 
of that Government : but he cannot make brick without 
straw ; They are resolved to oppose him, though he hath 
studyed in all things to oblige and please them : Yet he 
finds that all his parts, ingenuity and long Experience of 
the People, cannot stem the current of their prejudice 
against him. They say that he hath given several instances 
of his remembering the old Quarrel, and they resolve on 
their parts, never to forget it, so that it is generally be- 
lieved, he will never gain any poynt from them. They do 
not stick to say, that a stranger could prevaile ten times 
more with them, which shews the temper and uncharita- 
bleness of these People. 

A Governour depending on the People's humours for sub- 
sistence , cannot serve the Crown. — Besides, I cannot see how 
it is possible for any Governour to serve the Interest of the 
Crown that must depend upon the precarious humours of 
the people for a subsistence. They will never part with 
their money, unless they have an equivalent, or something 
more valuable. It lays the Governour under the Tempta- 

Colonel Quarry's Memorial. 231 

tion, of making sometimes a very disadvantageous bargain 
for the Crown, and stooping below the dignity of his char- 
acter. A Governour ought to have his support as well as 
dependance, immediately from the Crown, though at the 
same time, the fund ought to come from the People, but 
by such ways and means as ought first to settle it in the 
Crown. I doe most humbly beg your Lordshipps pardon 
for this freedom. 

Colonel Nicholson at New York. — Col. Nicholson was 
lately here, in order to consult His Excellency, my Lord 
Cornbury, about some matters relating to Her Majesty's 
service. There is a good correspondency between these 
two Governours, which will be attended with very good 

The Queen's Governours to meet once a year. — Your Lord- 
shipps directions for a Meeting once a year, of all the 
Queen's Governours on the maine, would be of very great 
service on several accounts, and more especially in order 
to the removal of all scruples and objections, which may 
be raised against that general good, of bringing all the 
Governments under one System, Form and Constitution. 
And now that I have had occasion to speak of that worthy 
Gentleman, Col. Nicholson, give me leave to make some 
few short remarks on him and the Government of Virginia. 

When he found that the Assembly were not willing to 
pay their Quota for the support of Albany, he being order- 
ed not to press the business too far, was resolved however, 
that Her Majesty's Interest should not suffer ; though the 
Assembly would not understand their own : Yet no man 
knew better than he, who by long experience could judge, 
that the support of Albany is the only security, that all 
the Governments on the maine have against the ffrench, 
and all the Indians in their Interest : He very well knows, 
that if Albany be not effectually supported, we must lose 
all the Five Nations that are now in our Interest, and are 
the only barrier against the ffrench, and all those great 
Nations in their Interest. By the neglect of Albany, we 
shall not only lose so many sure friends, but shall add so 
many great and warlike Nations to the Lumber of our ene- 
mies, and then, I am sure it wil) be in the power of the 
ffrench, to be Masters of all Her Majesty's Provinces on 
the maine, when they please. This is a truth which I am 

232 Colonel Quarry's Memorial, 

sure your Lordshipps know very well, and if you please to 
lay your commands on me, I will demonstrate it with such 
reasonable and convincing arguments, as will leave little 
or no room for objecting. All which, Governour Nichol- 
son knows so well, that as soon as he found that the 
Assembly would not see their own Interest, or comply 
with Her Majesty's orders, he went immediately to New 
York, and out of great zeale to Her Majesty's service and 
security of Her Provinces, he gave his own Bills for 900 
pounds sterling, to answer the Quota of Virginia ; wholly 
depending on Her Majesty's favour and justice, in reem- 
bursing him again out of Her Revenue in that Province ; 
which by his prudent conduct, he has retrieved from being 
considerably in debt, to more than 10,000 pounds in Bank, 
all publick Building and debts being paid. 

Your Lordshipps do so very well know that Gentleman, 
that it is needless to say any more of him at present, but 
will proceed to say something of the present state of Vir- 

The State of Virginia. — The People are very numerous, 
dispersed through the whole Province. Their almost sole 
Business is planting and improving Tobacco, even to that 
degree, that most of them scarce allow themselves time to 
produce their necessary provision, and consequently take 
little leisure to busy themselves about matters of State. 
They have always been respectful! and obedient. 

This of the Generall. But on every River of this Prov- 
ince, there are men in number from ten to thirty, who by 
Trade and Industry have gotten very competent Estates. 
These Gentlemen take care to supply the poorer sort with 
goods and necessaries, and are sure to keep them always 
in their debt, and consequently dependant on them : Out 
of this number are chosen Her Majesty's Council, the 
Assembly, the Justices and the Officers of the Government. 
Many of these Gentlemen have of late years applyed 
themselves in procuring from the Governours good Laws, 
for the better Government and Improvement of the Coun- 
try. A thing very commendable, had they not been often 
mistaken in their notions and means of pursuing this end, 
which they truly are. They consider that this Province is 
of far greater Importance to Her Majesty, than all the rest 
of the Provinces on the maine, and therefore they falsely 

Colonel Quarry's Memorial. 233 

conclude, that they ought to have greater Privileges than 
the rest of Her Majesty's Subjects. This put them upon 
a nice Enquiry into the circumstances of the Government ; 
and finding that New England and the Proprietary Colo- 
nies are allowed greater privileges, both in respect of their 
Constitution of Government and Trade, this makes 'em 
very uneasy, and sowers their Temper to that degree, that 
it is very difficult for any Governour to please them, and 
pursue the Queen's Instructions. 

The Assembly, they conclude themselves entitled to all 
the Rights and Privileges of an English Parliament, and 
begin to search into the Records of that Honourable House 
for Precedents to govern themselves by. The Council have 
vanity enough to think, that they almost stand upon equal 
Terms with the Right Honourable, the House of Lords. 
These false and pernitious notions, if not timely prevented, 
will have a very ill consequence. His Excellency, Gov- 
ernour Nicholson, by prudent conduct hath hitherto put a 
stop to this growing evil, in all parts of the Government, 
except a few factious spirits in the Council. 

Your Lordshipps may see by the Council's last Address 
to Her Majesty, some of the leaven of these notions. They 
are pleased to justify their former reasons for not obeying 
the Order for paying their Quota, towards the support of 

This they seem to do, in opposition to your Lordshipps 
Judgment in that case, nor doe they in that Address treate 
your Lordshipp with that due respect, which in duty they 
ought : but when I consider two of the Gentlemen that 
had a hand in drawing it up, I see no reason to expect 
better from them. I am no stranger to that secret wheel, 
which gives motion to all those mischievous designes, 
which are fomented in that Government. 

I am not willing to give particular characters, without 
your Lordshipps directions, but I assure your Lordshipps, 
that the mischief lyes in a very narrow compass, and may 
easily be removed and prevented, by removing two, or three 
at most, out of the Council, who are men of uneasy spirits, 
and have made it their business to oppose Government. 

I have much more to say on this subject, but for fear of 
trespassing on your Lordshipps, will refer to another oppor- 
tunity. And now that I have layd before your Lordshipps 

234 Colonel Quarry's Memorial, 

briefly this growing evil ; I am very well assured, that your 
Lordshipps will apply the proper Remedy. I may now 
say, that now or never is the time to maintain and support 
the Queen's Prerogative, and put a stop to those wrong, 
pernitious notions, which are improving daily, not only in 
Virginia, but in all Her Majesty's other Governments. A 
frown from Her Majesty now, can doe more than perhaps 
an army hereafter. I cannot recommend a more effectual 
means, than what I formerly mentioned. The reducing 
all Her Majesty's Governments on the maine, under one 
Constitution and Government, as near as possible. 

The State of New York. — I did in my former Memorial, 
give your Lordshipps a short relation of the miserable, 
distracted and unhappy circumstances which the Province 
of New York was reduced to, during the Government of 
my Lord Bellamont and those that succeeded him, until 
the arrival of his Excellency, the Lord Cornbury. I did 
also lay before your Lordshipps, the happy change of af- 
fairs in relation to all parts of Government, but could not 
be so particular as that subject required. 

I have since made it my business, to inform myself more 
exactly and nicely, into all the circumstances of this Gov- 
ernment, which I hold myself obliged faithfully to represent 
to your Lordships under these several heads. 

The state of the Revenue. The Militia, Arms and Am- 
munition. The Fortifications, both for defence of the 
Town, and for Albany, and the Inland Parts against the 
ffrench. The state of the Government, in relation to the 
Indians. Trade. Laws. Temper of the People, and last- 
ly, in Relation to the Neighbouring Governments. 

The state of the Revenue of New York. — As touching the 
Revenue. When my Lord Bellamont received the Govern- 
ment from Colonel Hecher, there was no more debt due, 
than the arrears of the Revenue and other Taxes would 
fully answer : But when his Excellency, my Lord Corn- 
bury entered upon the Government, he found it at least 
10,000 pounds in debt, and yet no new Fortifications built, 
nor the soldiers to be payed out of the Revenue : nor is it 
easy to guess, how all this could be in so short a time. My 
Lord hath taken much pains to find out the State of the 
Revenue, and how all those debts could be contracted ; but 
Mr. Weaver carrying away the Books, makes it very diffi- 

Colonel Quarry's Memorial. 235 

cult to be done. The ill-management of the Revenue, in 
my Lord Bellamont's time, has quite ruined the credit 
of the Government. I am very well assured, that it is 
quite impossible for this Country to discharge this debt, 
and without it be done, the Country must be very miser- 

The constant charge of supporting and defending this 
Government is very great, and the whole weight of it lyes 
on a small County. I am sure it is impossible for them 
to bear it, especially in War-time. I doe therefore most 
Ihumbly propose, that Her Majesty be gratiously pleased 
to discharge the present debts of this Country. 

And that some effectual means be found to oblige the 
other Governments on the maine to pay their Quotas to- 
jwards the support of Albany. There is an absolute neces- 
sity, that these two points be effectually answered, nor 
will the case admit of much delay. 

There is no depending on the neighbouring Governments 
[for supply, since neither their own safety, nor the Queen's 
'commands can oblige them to comply. Nothing will do 
ijbut a short Act of Parliament in England, which I am sure 
twill admit of very little debate, when your Lordshipps do 
flay before the Parliament ; that the security of Her Ma- 
jesty's Empire on the Continent is concerned ; that the 
jPeople of the several Governments will not see their own 
Danger, nor prevent it ; that in Reason and Justice, they 
pre obliged ; that what is required of them, is very small 
land inconsiderable. Such an Act would not only answer 
this end effectually, but would be of great advantage on 
several accounts. It would open the people's Eyes, to see 
iiheir own Interest, and make them more ready to comply 
jwith other of Her Majesty's just demands ; and cure them 
jof that sower temper, which hath already possest them, in 
opposition to Government ; for, as I have already hinted 
jto your Lordshipps, Commonwealth notions improve dayly, 
tand, if it be not checked in time, the Rights and Privileges 
bf English Subjects, will be thought by them too narrow. 

State of the Mititia in New York. — My Lord Cornbury 
found the Militia of this province, under no regulations at 
(all, having neither Arms nor Ammunition as they ought ; 
nor were they even so much as drawn out to exercise or 
inew them, in all my Lord Bellamont's time, except the 


Colonel Quarry's Memorial. 

Regiment of Foot, at New York. His Excellency hath 
taken great pains in settling the Militia, under good Offi- 
cers ; but he cannot as yet, supply the want of Arms and 
Ammunition. That must be done from England, and I 
hope with all speed possible. I am sure the safety of the 
Government requires it. 

The Standing fforces at New York. — The Standing fforces 
were, at my Lord Cornbury's arrival, under very ill cir- 
cumstances, quite naked for want of clothes ; not half of 
them had arms fit for service. Besides, the Queen's stores- 
are but very ill furnished. My Lord hath taken great care 
to have all the arms fixed and in- readiness, but without a 
supply, he will be at a great loss. 

The Condition of the fforts at New York. — The fforts and 
ffortyflications both in New York and Albany, were left to 
my Lord in a miserable condition. The platforms rotten, 
many of the guns dismounted for want of carriages. My 
Lord Bellamont built a Magazine over the Gate of the 
Fort, which might more properly be called a Pidgeon 
house. It cost 800 pounds, though a better could be built 
for 200, but the building can no ways answer the end, 
being exposed to the danger of lightning, and to the shot 
and bombs of an enemy, and in blowing of it up, it would 
not only ruine the ffort, but a great part of the City. His 
Excellency hath for a small charge, built an extraordinary 
vault, which will effectually secure the powder from those 
accidents, and hath already put the ffort into some order, 
and in a little time, designs to compleat that work. 

The Condition of the ffort at Albany, and out-fforts. — The 
ffort at Albany, and all the out-fforts are quite ruined and 
decayed, being only stockadoed, which were all quite rot- 
ten, not fit for any defence. My Lord hath layed the foun- 
dation of a stone fort at Albany, and hath carried it on a 
great way. It will be very regular, and answer the end ; 
I hope his Lordship will quickly finish it. It gives great 
satisfaction to our Indians, who lay the great stress of their 
security on the defence of these fforts. No other consider- 
ation whatever, can secure them to the English Interest. 
Whenever they quit it, I am sure the remotest Province on 
the maine, will find the fatal effects of their being our 
enemies. That perhaps will open their eyes, to see their 
ruin and danger when too late ; though now they will not 

Colonel Quarry's Memorial. 237 

prevent it, though they might on so very easy Terms as 
their small Quota : But I hope your Lordshipps will find a 
way to secure 'em even against their will. 

Two ways of securing New York Province. — There are 
two ways of securing this Province, by Land and by Water. 
That by Land, must be by having good fforts at Albany, 
and the out places well manned, furnished and constantly 
supply'd ; which my Lord resolves to do. I heartily wish 
his Lordship be not discouraged for want of money to carry 
on and compleat so noble a design. His Excellency hath 
resolved on the best and only way of securing this place 
by water, which is by building two Stone Batteries on the 
Narrows, between Long Island and Staten Island, w r hich is 
the channel where all ships must come, and is so narrow, 
that these Batteries will command and secure this Harbour. 
I have taken a full view of it, that I might the better rep- 
resent it to your Lordshipps. 

The Trade of New York. — The Trade of this Place was 
formerly very considerable, beyond any of the Neighbour- 
ing Provinces, but hath been extreamly ruined and impaired 
ever since my Lord Bellamont came hither, even to that 
degree, that it will be some years, before they retrieve 
their former Trade ; which is a great Misfortune to this 
Place, which doth so wholly depend upon Trade, and did 
enable them to support and maintain the great charge of 
the Government, which they find impossible for them to 
do, under the present circumstances. And now that they 
are the less able, the Tax and charge of supporting the 
Government, is far heavier on them than ever ; when at 
the same time, their neighbours who have all along enjoyed 
the fFreedom and Advantage of Trade, have no ffrontiers 
to defend, nor do they pay any Taxes, yet refuse to give 
them any help, which they think very hard, and makes 
them very uneasy. 

I have been here some time during the sitting of the 
Assembly, which gave me the opportunity of seeing the 
Temper of the People. They having a very great Honour 
and veneration for his Excellency, which is the only reason 
that restrains their discontents and uneasiness. However, 
they could not forbear to make some attempts and endeav- 
ours against the Queen's Prerogative, but my Lord quickly 

238 Colonel Quarry's Memorial. 

saw through their design, and by a prudent conduct, put a 
stop to it. 

The Assembly were for asserting Rights, which never 
any of their Predecessors ever pretended to. My Lord 
gave such solid reasons against their pretences, that I be- 
lieve it hath not only secured the point, and quieted them 
for the present, but if I mistake not, will prevent all future 
attempts of that nature, especially during my Lord Corn- 
bury's Government. I cannot be so particular as the na- 
ture of the subject requires, for fear of swelling this Memo- 
rial. I will therefore chuse to give your Lordshipps a state 
of this business by itself. What this Assembly attempted, 
proceeded from the same Spirit that hath infected all the 
Governments on the maine, though not as yet improved 
here to that degree as in other places. 

My Lord hath used all the proper ways and means to 
secure the Five Nations, which is a very nice point to 
manage, besides a great charge in presents. They are 
very uncertain people to trust to, and do lye under very 
strong temptations from the ffrench. 

It is a very hard case, that the security of so many of 
Her Majesty's Provinces and Subjects, should depend upon 
the uncertain humour of those Indians ; but it is certainly 
so, nor is there any way to remedy it but one, which will 
not only put an end to this precarious dependance, but also 
ease the Crown and Subjects of this Province, from the 
vast charge of maintaining fforces, ffortifications, and the 
constant bribery of the Indians, which amounts to a great 
constant yearly charge. 

Taking of Canada, the only way of giving peace to 
America. — This Effectual way is, that Her Majesty will 
resolve to drive the French out of Canada, which I assure 
your Lordshipps may be effected with great ease. 

It must cost the Crown some treasure, but by Effecting 
the design, Her Majesty will soon be reimburst the charge, 
by the Trade of that place : besides, there will be saved 
the yearly charge of maintaining the ffrontiers, and will 
entirely secure the Empire of America in peace, with the 
whole Trade of the maine, which will be of vast conse- 

And all this might be effected by two thousand regular 
fforces, ten Men of War, and two Bomb Ketches. The 

Colonel Quarry's Memorial. 239 

effecting of this design is of that consequence, that all the 
maine would heartily join in it, as one man. I propose 
that the Ships and Regular fforces, should touch at Boston, 
and goe directly from thence to Quebeck in Canada ; and, 
that at the same time, the fforces of America should march 
by land from Albany, with all the fforces of Indians. The 
ffrench are not three thousand effective men, in all that 

Nothing can be of so great consequence to Her Majesty, 
as the effecting of this business, and nothing is wanting, 
but that Her Majesty resolve on the designe ; and then I 
am sure that My Lord Cornbury, and all the Governours 
on the maine, will propose the ways and means of carrying 
on this Design. I am sure that it will be of far more ad- 
vantage to the crown, than the taking of Martinico, Guada- 
lupa, and all the ffrench Islands ; for Newfoundland and 
all the Trade of the Coast, will of course fall into the 
hands of the English ; which is all I will venture to say 
on this head, but referr it to your Lordshipp's better judg- 

The State of East and West New Jersey. — And now proceed 
to tell your Lordshipps, that the Jerseys have been for a 
long time in confusion, having no Government ; which 
makes them all, heartily wish my Lord Cornbury's Com- 
mission for that Province, were come ; that so they might 
be settled on a sure foundation, which as yet they never 
have been. 

The contests of West Jersey have always been betwixt 
the Quakers, and Her Majesty's subjects, that are no Qua- 
kers. The Quakers, though the far less in number, have 
always been supported in the Government against the 
others, over whom they have for many years insulted and 

The contest in East Jersey, is of a different nature. 
Whether the Country shall be a Scotch Settlement, or an 
English settlement. The Scotch have had for many years, 
the advantage of the English, by the Interest of a Scotch 
Governour, Col. Hamilton ; but it is the expectation of all, 
that my Lord Cornbury will reconcile all these differences, 
! unite all Interests, settle 'em all on a sure foundation, and 
imake them all easy and happy. They have all a very 

240 Colonel Quarry's Memorial, 

great Opinion and Honour for His Lordship, which is a 
good step to that great work. 

Considerable Quakers in Pensilvania, inclinable to Her 
Majesty's immediate Government. — I find that the most con- 
siderable men of the Quakers in Pensilvania, finding that 
Mr. Pen cannot secure them in their lawless power of 
Government, are now very willing to be under Her Majes- 
ty's Government, provided that my Lord Cornbury be ap- 
poynted the Governour. They have a very great respect 
for him, and say that they expect more justice from his 
Lordship, than ever they have had from Mr. Pen. All the 
rest of Her Majesty's good subjects of that Government, 
do heartily join with them, that his Excellency, my Lord 
Cornbury may be the happy instrument of making all 
easy, and settling us on the same foundation as the rest of 
Her Majesty's Governments, which is all that is wished or 

The State of Connecticut. — I did designe to have given 
to your Lordshipps, the History of Connecticut ; but on 
a nice enquiry into the state of that place, I found the 
roguery and villainy of that Province, both in relation to 
Government and Trade, is enough to fill a volume, which 
makes me not willing to venture upon it at present. If 
the Government be continued longer in these men's hands, 
the honest Trade of these parts will be ruined ; and my 
Lord Cornbury's Commission for commanding the Militia 
of that Country, will be of no use. 

Observations on the State of the Guard Ships in the Colo- 
nies. — I did propose to have shewn to your Lordshipps at 
large, that the charge Her Majesty is at, in maintaining 
several Men of War in some of the Governments here, 
doth not in the least, answer any one end proposed by it ; 
and all by the Temper and illconduct of those Captains 
that command Her Majesty's ships. 

I presume that the main end of all this charge, is in- 
tended for the security of the Provinces, to prevent illegal 
Trade, and encourage honest Trade ; but nothing of this 
is in the least answered. 

He that hath the command of one of Her Majesty's 
Ships, be they never so small, thinks himself above all 
Her Majesty's Governours, and even above Govenment 
itself. They make it their business to oppose authority, 

Colonel Quarry's Memorial 241 

and when there is any ffaction in any place, they are sure 
to joyn with them against the Governour. They will lye 
in Harbour for a year together, without once going out to 

By their ill usage of their men, they force them to run 
away from their Ships, and then they ruine the Merchants 
and Trade of the Place, by pressing away seamen from the 
Vessels. And thus, instead of encouraging the honest 
Trade, they ruine it ; and as for Illegal Traders, they are 
safe enough from their search or enquiry after them. 

The Complaints against the Commanders of Her Ma- 
jesty's Ships, are become general. I presume your Lord- 
shipps will receive them from Virginia, Maryland and New 
York. It would take a Quire of paper, for particularizing 
the several rude, barbarous and extravagant actions of one 
Captain James Moody, Commander of the Southampton 
Man of War. He neither spared the Gentlemen of the 
Country, the Queen's Officers, nor the Governour himself, 
because they would not suffer him to marry a Gentleman's 
daughter, when at the same time, he hath a wife and chil- 
dren in London. This was a sufficient ground for him to 
attempt the lives of the Gentlewoman's Father, several of 
his relations, and especially a very worthy Gentleman, one 
Col. Cary, that courted the young Lady. The Governour 
was forced to secure the peace, the Country being all in 
an uproar, by this man's extravagant actions. The par- 
ticulars your Lordshipps will have from the Governour and 
Council of Virginia ; with a long charge against one Cap- 
tain Bostwick, from the President and Council of Maryland. 
That Gentleman's Conduct will fit him rather for Bedlam, 
than the Queen's Ship. 

His Excellency, Lord Cornbury, will give you the char- 
acter of one Captain Rogers, who by the death of Captain 
Stapylton, commands the Jersey Man of War, who hath 
lyen in Harbour ever since my Lord's arrival in this Place. 
Her Majesty was pleased to direct his Lordship, to order 
Captain Rogers to take several vessels loaden with provi- 
sions on Her Majesty's account in Pensilvania and Carolina, 
and convoy them to Jamaica, which might have been ready 
before Christmas last. But in the Fall, when my Lord 
ordered him to get ready his sh ; p, he pretended she was 
unrigged and layd up, and could not be ready till the 

242 Colonel Quarry 9 s Memorial. 

Spring, but then would be ready by the 8th or 20th of 
March at furthest. Accordingly, the ships and provisions 
were all in readiness ; but, notwithstanding my Lord's 
repeated orders to him, he lay in the Harbour till the latter 
end of May ; all which time, Her Majesty paid demurrage, 
and the provisions lay on board, which was great damage. 
And, after he went to Philadelphia, and took the vessels 
there under his charge, refused to obey my Lord's orders, 
in touching at Carolina, to take these vessels with provi- 
sions under his convoy : But this is not all the mischief he 
hath done ; but by lying in Harbour so long at New York, 
and pressing the men out of the Merchant Ships, he hath 
ruined all this Summer's Trade of that place. 

I cannot be more particular at present. Those Evills 
will never be remedied, unless the Captains of the Queen's 
Ships are ordered to be more immediately under the re- 
spective Governour's Commands. 

Proposal about Naval Stores. — I did purpose to have layd 
before your Lordshipps, the great advantage it would be 
to Her Majesty, if proper methods were taken to encourage 
the sowing of Hemp and fflax in these parts, where there 
is a vast quantity of land very proper and fit for it : The 
people only want the security of a certain Market. It 
would be the interest of the Crown, to encourage them at 
least a few years, till they are settled in that Manufactory. 

Her Majesty might be furnished from hence with Tar, 
Pitch, Rosin, all sorts of Timber and Masts, sufficient to 
supply all the Navy, which would be a great advantage, 
and prevent the money from going out of England. But to 
represent this fully in all its particulars, will require a 
distinct Memorial, which I resolve to present to your 
Lordshipps very suddenly. 

I will not give your Lordshipps any further trouble at 
present, but to implore your Lordshipps pardon, and leave 
to subscribe myself, as truely I am, 
Right Honourable, 

Your Lordshipps 

most obedient servant, 

Robert Quarry. 

New York, June 16, 1703. 


[The following interesting notices were communicated to the Society, 
and a vote was passed, that they should be inserted in the Collections ; 
but, on putting the Letter itself into the hands of the Committee of pub- 
lication, the Judge, with great modesty, expressed a desire, that what 
he called the concluding complimentary part, might be omitted. The 
Committee, however, considered the passage to which he referred, so 
pertinent and justly rendered, as well as happily expressed, that " they 
had it not in their heart" to suppress it. — " Reddite omnibus debita."] 

Hon. John Davis. 

Dear Sir, 

In the appendix to your valuable edition of Morton's 
Memorial, (p. 393), having commented on the services 
rendered to Plymouth by Isaac Allerton, particularly in 
1629, you remark that your information respecting that 
eminent man among the Pilgrims, after that year, is not 
such as you could wish. You find him at Salem, in July, 
1630 ; returning from England, in the ship White Angel, 
in 1631 ; concerned in the loss of a trading wigwam at 
Machias, in 1633 ; suffering by the wreck of his pinnace 
from Port Royal, in 1634 ; and still farther impoverished 
by the loss of his bark at Cape Ann, in 1635 ; after which, 
you say, his name is not mentioned by any of the early 
writers. You quote from the manuscript of a friend, who 
says that "in 1646, Mr. Allerton appears to be an inhab- 
itant of New Amsterdam,' • and you cite the testimony of 
Gov. Hutchinson, who says that he "left the country, and 
settled in England," and add that "his male posterity 
settled in Maryland." It gave me much pleasure to in- 
form you, when I had the honor of meeting you a few days 
ago, that Isaac Allerton spent his last years in New Haven, 
and died here, in 1659. In compliance with the request 

244 Memoir of Isaac Allerton. 

with which you honored me, I now give you such notices 
of him, as I can hastily glean from our town and colony 

The first instance in which I find Mr. Allerton named, 
is in the record of a " General Court for the Jurisdiction/' 
27th Oct., 1643, at which "a proposition and request" were 
"made by Captain Underhill, and Mr. Allerton, by in- 
structions from the Dutch Governor, and some of the free- 
men of that jurisdiction, for the raising of one hundred 
soldiers out of these plantations of the English, and armed 
and victualled, to be led forth by Captain Underhill against 
the Indians, now in hostility against the Dutch, to be paid 
by bills of exchange into Holland. " 

This is in keeping with the information of your friend's 
manuscript, that in 1646, Allerton was an inhabitant of 
New Amsterdam. As to the answer given to this pro- 
posal, it will suffice to say, that the Court, " though they 
were affected with a due sense of so much Christian blood, 
both Dutch and English, under the Dutch Government, 
lately shed by the Indians," declined the proposal, both 
because they did " not clearly understand the rise and 
cause of the war," and because they were restrained by 
the articles of confederation, with the other New England 

At what time Mr. Allerton began to reside in New Ha- 
ven, I have not ascertained. It must have been however, 
before the 10th of March, 1646-7, for at that time "the 
names of the people, as they were seated in the meeting- 
house," were put upon record ; and " Thomas Nash, Mr. 
Allerton, Bro. Perry," were assigned to the second seat 
of " the cross seats at the end." I need not say, that the 
"Mr." prefixed to Allerton's name, is a sign of some 
special respect. " Brother Perry," who was one of his 
seat-mates, was at that time, the Secretary of the town. 

From that time, to the period of his death, I find him 
occasionally mentioned in the records. For example, at a 
Court held at New Haven, August 6, 1650, "Mr. Aller- 
ton's fence was complained of. Jno. Cooper and the Mar- 
shall informed the Court, that Mrs. Allerton hath had 
warning of it three times ; and yet the fence is not mended, 
but two places remain still defective, as Jno. Cooper says. 
The Court ordered, that Mr. Allerton pay two shillings for 

Memoir of Isaac Allerton. 245 

the two defective places, each time they have been warned/' 
The same report about Mr. Allerton's fence, was repeated 
from one Court to another, and an additional fine of tw r o 
shillings ordered each time, till December, when "Mr. 
Evance said Mrs. Allerton desired him to acquaint the 
Court with the case." The explanation was, that there 
had been all along, a misunderstanding between her and 
John Cooper, about the locality of the fence complained 
of. "The Court said they must rest in John Cooper's 
report, because he is in public trust for this matter of 
fences ;" and therefore it was " ordered, that Mr. Allerton 
pay for the two defects at present, two shillings." All 
this goes to show, that though Mr. Allerton had his 
domicil in New Haven, he was, like the Allerton of 
Plymouth, a man whose business carried him away from 

At a Court, Nov. 2, 1652, "William Paine and Robert 
Meaker, were complained of for absence at training. The 
Court was informed, that Mr. Allerton that morning sent 
to Mr. Goodyeare to get them free, because of some urgent 
occasion about his vessel. The Court considering that he 
did send to ask leave, and it was upon that occasion, and 
the time the vessel hath lain, and the afflicted state of Mr. 
Allerton otherwise, did for this time pass it over, without 
a fine." Methinks this must have been the same Allerton 
" the unlucky," whose misfortunes, as enumerated in your 
note, came so thick, in the loss of "wigwam" in 1633, 
"pinnace" in 1634, and "bark" in 1635. 

I do not remember to have noticed any thing else partic- 
ularly characteristic, till we come to the settlement of his 
estate. "An inventory of the estate of Isaac Allerton, 
late of New Haven deceased, taken Feb. 12, 1658," was 
presented to the Court, on the 5th of April, 1659. Mrs. 
Allerton, being asked whether there was any Will left by 
her husband, " answered there was, but she thought that 
iher son had it with him, who was now gone from home." 
On the 5th of July, the son having returned, presented his 
jfather's Will, but the estate being greatly involved, the 
jbusiness was referred to the Court of Magistrates in Octo- 
ber. At that Court " the writing presented as the last 
twill and testament of Isaac Allerton," though informal 

246 Memoir of Isaac Allerton. 

and without date, was sworn to by John Harriman and 
Edward Preston, the subscribing witnesses, as " sealed 
and subscribed by Mr. Allerton deceased, whilst he had 
the use of his understanding and memory, in a competent 

The " writing" was little else than a few hasty memo- 
randa of debts due to him, which he desired his son Isaac, 
and his wife to receive and to pay out to his creditors "as 
far as it will go." It begins thus : 

" An account of debts due at the Dutch. First, 700 and 
odd guilders from Tho. Hall, by arbitration of Captaine 
Willet and Augustine Harman about Captaine Scarlet, 
which I paid out," &c. 

Among the debts due to him, there were 900 guilders 
from "John Peterson the Bore" [qu. boor?] "as by 
George Woolseye's books will appear;" from Richard 
Cloufe, " as George Woolseye's book will make appear, 
I think 900 guilders, but his estate being broken, I desire 
that what may be gotten, may be laid hold on for me ;" 
from Henry Brasser "for rent for 18 months from the first 
October, 1656, to the last of May, "58: for three rooms 
at 3 guilders a week." He adds, "There is £20 in 
George Woolseye's hand, that came from Mr. Thomas 
Mayhue for me." Then, after the sentence constituting 
his son and wife trustees, he adds, as if it were an after- 
thought, a memorandum of "a parcell of book lace in 
Captain Willet's hands, 1300 and odd guilders." Next is 
the place of the Seal, which is followed by these two sen- 
tences, " My brother Bruster owes me fourscore pounds 
and odd, as the obligations [make] appear. Besides all my 
debts in Delloware Bay and in Virginia, which in my booke 
will appear, and in Barbadoes what can be got. 

Isaac Allerton, Senior/' 

The widow and son, both declined the trust of settling 
the estate, though he was urged as being "the deceased's 
eldest or only son." Trustees were therefore appointed 
by the Court. Captain Gookin was one of the creditors. 
Isaac Allerton, the son, purchased of the creditors, his 
father's " dwelling-house, orchard and barn, w T ith two 
acres of meadow." 

Memoir of Isaac Allerton. 247 

In a late volume of records, I find a deed dated Oct. 4, 
1660, by which Isaac Allerton, not naming any place to 
which he belonged, or at which he was, at the time of 
executing the instrument, alienates to his " mother-in-law, 
Mrs. Johanna Allerton, the house that she now dwells in 
at New Haven New England," with all the furniture in it, 
and the lands and appurtenances belonging to it, and also 
some other personal property, to hold and enjoy during 
the term of her life, and afterwards to return into the pos- 
session of his daughter, Elizabeth Allerton and her heirs, 
and in case of her dying without issue, then to return to 
him, the first donor, and his heirs and executors, without 
intermission. To this deed, after it was recorded, was 
added in the margin of the book, the following " true 
record " of a postscript. " This deed, though never wit- 
nessed when granted, I do hereby confirm to all intents 
and purposes, as if it had then been authentically wit- 
nessed, and do sign and seal the same in the presence of 

March 10, { John Sallmon. 
1682-3. ) William (W. C.) Corfield. 

* his mark. 

Isaac Allerton." 


From all these notices, it appears that Isaac Allerton, 
the pilgrim, whose second wife was Fear Brewster, left at 
his death only one son Isaac, who graduated at Harvard, 
in 1650 (see the Appendix to Prof. Kingsley's Centennial 
Discourse) ; and a third wife, Johanna, the step-mother of 
that only son. It appears further, that the son removed 
to a distance from New Haven, perhaps to Maryland, as 
Hutchinson says, perhaps to England ; and that he had a 
daughter Elizabeth. From the perfect silence of the will 
and other documents, respecting any surviving daughters 
of the elder Allerton, it may be conjectured, though not 
certainly inferred, that there were none. From the terms 
of the deed, signed by the younger Allerton, we may 
reasonably conclude, that at the date of the deed in 1660, 
and probably at the date of the postscript, more than 

248 Memoir of Isaac Allerton. 

twenty years later, he had no son ; so that we may pre- 
sume, that in him the race of Isaac Allerton, in the male 
line at least, became extinct. 

As a New Haven man, called by an occasion to act the 
part of "Old Mortality, " I was pleased to ascertain the 
fact, that among the "garnered dust " which consecrates 
our public square, is the dust of one of the pilgrims of the 
Mayflower, the fifth in order of the signers of that memo- 
rable compact, signed at Cape Cod, Nov. 11, 1620. To 
you as a Plymouth man, who have so well fulfilled the 
"sacred duty" of "renewing to the eyes of posterity, the 
decaying ' Memorial ' of the zeal and sufferings of the 
forefathers, and thereby trimming, as it were, the beacon 
light which is to warn future generations to defend their 
religion, " to you of whom it may be said, that "to talk 
of the exploits of the ' pilgrims' is the delight, as to repair 
their monuments had been a business of his life/' and who 
have been so " profuse in the communication of all the 
minute information, which you have collected concerning 
them, their wars, and their wanderings," the time which I 
have spent in thus ascertaining the burial-place, and re- 
lating all that, we can now know of the latest calamities of 
Isaac Allerton, will not seem to be wasted. 
Very respectfully, 

Your obedient servant, 

Leonard Bacon. 

New Haven, lbth Jan. 1838. 

Postscript.— Perhaps the inference on the first line above 
is unwarranted. From a hasty examination of the record 
of births, marriages and deaths, since writing the above, 
I have ascertained the following particulars. 

"Elizabeth Allerton, the daughter of Isaac Allerton, 
Junr., was born 27th Sept., 1653." 

" Isaac Allerton, the son of Isaac Allerton Junr., was 
born the 11th day of June, 1655." 

Elizabeth Allerton, was married to Benjamin Starr, 23d 
Dec, 1675. Allerton Starr, their son, was born 6th Jan. 

Benjamin Starr died, as appears from the Probate re- 
cords, in 1678. His widow, Elizabeth Allerton, was mar- 

Memoir of Isaac Allerton. 249 

ried to Simon Heyers, afterwards written Eyre, 22d July, 
1679. Isaac Eyre, their son, was born 23d Feb., 1683-4. 

A friend, learned in the records, has pointed out to me 
the fact, that in May, 1684, " Elizabeth Eyre, formerly 
Elizabeth Allerton, now wife of Simon Eyre," conveyed 
by deed to her "dear and loving husband, Simon Eyre" 
the reversion of a house, &c, " which my grand-mother, 
Mrs. Johanna Allerton now dwells in," &c. 

From all these notices, I infer, that when Isaac Allerton 
the younger went away, he left his daughter Elizabeth, 
then a child, with her grand-mother, and that if his son 
Isaac was then living, he took the boy with him to those 
parts, unknown to which he then migrated. The silence 
of the deed is somewhat less significant, than I supposed 
it to be. 

[The Committee of Publication, take the liberty of making the sub- 
sequent addenda, to the preceding notice of Mr. Allerton. The two 
facts immediately ensuing, we have from the Journal of Winthrop. Feb. 
1, 1634, " Mr. Cradock's house at Marblehead, was burnt down about 
midnight before, there being in it, Mr. Allerton and many fishermen, 
whom he employed that season." Feb. 22d. " This season, Mr. Aller- 
ton fished with eight boats, at Marblehead." This was a part of Salem 
till 1649. The Massachusetts Colony Records state, that March, 1635, 
|Mr. Allerton was to be notified by the Civil Authorities, that he had 
leave to depart from Marblehead. It is not unlikely, that he followed 
IRoger Williams, from Plymouth to Salem, in 1633, to sit under his 
Iministry: and that he had subjected himself to their displeasure, for 
(attachment to his Teacher, who was already in conflict with them. 
IWhether Mr. Allerton compromised the difficulty with the General 
iCourt, as others did, so as to continue within their jurisdiction, is not 
certainly known. But as one of his vessels was employed, in the suc- 
ceeding August, to transport Mr. Avery from Newbury to Marblehead, 
ifor the purpose of preaching at the latter place, it would seem as if he 
were permitted to remain. The Records of the Salem Church, show 
that he became a member of their body in 1647. This last fact appears 
ito contradict his being ordered a seat in the meeting house of New Ha- 
jven, early in the same year, where he was living in 1643, as represented 
jby Winthrop. Still one of these events seems as likely as the other, 
i!and both of them were probably and mutually reconcilable at the time 
iithey occurred. Pub. Com.] 


[The succeeding memoranda of Beverly, and biography of Rev. John 
Hale, minister there, were furnished by Robert Rantoul, Esq., at the 
particular request of an eminent member of our publishing Committee, 
in 1835. Pub. Com.] 

Beverly was first settled as a part of Salem, by the re- 
moval of John Woodberry and William Woodberry, who 
were brothers, together with some other of Roger Conant's 
companions, from the south side to the north side of Bass 
river, which separates Beverly from Salem, about the year 
1630. Roger Conant and John Balch, afterwards removed 
to the north side of the river, and were accompanied by 
other settlers, who were mostly from the West of England. 
The settlement was called " Bass river side," " Cape Ann 
side," and sometimes "Bass river." As early as 1649,* 
the settlers were so numerous, as to desire of the Church 
in Salem, " some course to be taken for the means of grace 
amongst themselves, because of the tediousness and diffi- 
culties over the water, and other inconveniences; which 
motion was renewed again the 22nd of the 7th Month, 1650 ; 
and the 2nd day of the 8th Month, they returned answer, 
that we should look out for us, some able and approved 
teacher to be amongst us, we still holding communion with 
them."f In 1656, the inhabitants on the north side of the 
river, were sufficiently numerous to build a meeting-house, 
which stood near the site of the present meeting-house of 
the First Parish. In this first house, Josiah Hubbard and 
Jeremiah Hubbard, preached for some time, and then John 
Hale, for about three years, during which time, the connec- 
tion with the first church in Salem was preserved. On the 
20th of September, 1667, a church was organized, and Rev. 
John Hale settled as the minister. It is noticeable, that 
the Records of the town begin as early as 1665, three 

" Feb. 10. 1649-50. \ Church records. 

Beverln. 251 

years before the incorporation. This is explained by the 
following extract from the records of the general court. 

"In answer to the petition of the inhabitants of that 
part of Salem called Bass river side, craving the favour 
of this Court to invest them with power to choose yearly 
within themselves, a fit number of persons, who may have 
power, as selectmen have in other places, to raise those 
charges that are to be defrayed by and within themselves, 
and for the admission of those poor or others, who desire 
to inhabit with them (they being to maintain them, if they 
fall in want), and for what other small matter and busi- 
ness, arising properly within themselves, fall under the 
cognizance of Selectmen ; also, that, they may choose their 
Constables and Surveyors, for their Highway, and what 
other officers or persons the affairs abovesaid may occasion 
and necessitate them to employ : Yet they would be under- 
stood, that their desire is still to continue with, and be a 
part of the Town of Salem, viz. in bearing with them, and 
they with us, common Town and Country charges, in com- 
mon interest and concernment, as choice of Deputies for 
the General Court and such like, as they have hitherto 
proceeded together." ''The Court, on perusal of their 
petition, hearing what Salem Deputies said, judge meet to 
grant their request, provided the town of Salem do fully 
concur therewith and agree thereto. Which if they shall 
not, the Court judge it meet that they manifest the same 
at the next session of this Court." Whether the Court 
fully granted their request or not, public meetings were 
held in relation to the support of public worship, and for 
other purposes, as appears by the records. The first men- 
tion of the settlement at Bass-river side, in the records of 
the General Court, is in 1645, when the highway was 
ordered to be changed from River-head to the landing at 
Draper's-point, and in 1647, the inhabitants of Mackerel 
Cove are granted their petition, to be free from being call- 
ed to watch at Salem. 

On the 14th of October, 1668, the Coves was incorpo- 
rated by the name of Beverly. The act of incorporation 
jis as follows. "The Court, on perusal of this return 
([return on an order of notice issued to Salem], judge it 
(meet to grant, that Bass-river bo henceforth a Township 
p themselves, referring it to Salem, to accommodate them 

252 Beverly. 

with lands and bounds suitable for them, and that it be 
called Beverly." The first Town meeting was held on the 
23d of November, 1668. It appears that Roger Conant 
and his friends, were dissatisfied with the name given to 
the town, by the Court, and soon afterwards, but without 
success, petitioned for its change to "Budleigh," the name 
of the town in England, from whence Conant came. This 
petition contains facts in regard to Roger Conant, and to 
the first settlement of Salem, which are not to be found 
elsewhere, and is as follows. 

" To the Honored General Court, consisting of magistrates 
and deputies. {The 2&th of the 3d month, 1671.) 

The umble petition of Roger Conant, of Bass-river, alias 
Beverly, who hath bin a planter in New England, fortie 
eight years and upwards, being one of the first, if not the 
very first, that resolved and made good my settlement 
under, in matter of plantation, with my family, in this 
Collony of Massachusetts Bay, and have bin instrumental 
both for the founding and carriing on of the same, and 
when in the infancy thereof, it was in great hassard of 
being deserted. I was a means, through grace assisting 
me, to stop the flight of those few that then were heere 
with me, and that by my utter deniall, to goe away with 
them, who would have gon either for England, or mostly 
for Virginia, but thereupon stayed to the hassard of our 
lives. Now my umble suite and request is unto this hon- 
orable Court, onlie that the name of our towne or planta- 
tion may be altered or changed from Beverly, and be called 
Budleigh. I have tw T o reasons, that have moved me unto 
this request. The first, is the great dislike and discontent 
of many of our people for this name of Beverly, because 
(wee being but a small place), it hath caused on us a con- 
stant nickname of beggarly, being in the mouths of many, 
and no order was given, or consent by the people to their 
agent for any name, until they w 7 ere shure of being a towne 
granted in the first place. 

Secondly, I being the first that had house in Salem (and 
neether had any hand in naming either that, or any other 
towne), and myself, with those that were then with me, 
being all from the western part of England, desire this 
western name of Budleigh, a market towne in Devonshire, 

Beverly, 253 

and neere unto the sea, as wee are heere in this place, 
and where myself was borne. 

Now in regard to our firstnesse and antiquity, in this so 
famous a Collony, we should umbly request this small 
priviledg, with your favours and consent, to give this name 
abovesaid, unto our towne. 

I never yet made sute or request unto the General Court 
for the least matter, tho' I think I might as well have done, 
as many others have, who have obtained much without 
hassard of life, or prefering the public good before their 
own interest, which I praise God I have done. If this my 
sute may find acceptation with your worships, I shall rest 
umble, thankful], and my praiers shall not cease unto the 
throne of grace, for God's guidance and his blessing to be 
on all your weightie proceedings, and that iustice and 
righteousness may beeverie where administered, and sound 
doctrine, truth and holiness everie where taught and prac- 
tised, throughout this wilderness, to all posterity, which 
God grant. Amen. 

Your worships' umble petitioner and servant, 

Roger Conant. 

It is likewise the umble desire and request of us, whose 
names ar heere underwritten, that the name of our town 
may be changed, as abovesaid. 

William Dodg, Sen. Peter Woodberry 

William Dodg, Jun. John Dodg 

Exercise Conant Ephraim Herrick 

Edward Bishop Osmond Traske 

Lot Conant John Sampson 

Henry Bailey William Rayment 

John Rayment Robert Hibbard 

John Lovet, Sen. Henry Herrick 

William Dodg John Black 

Benjamin Balch Isaac Hull 

Cornelius Baker Richard Haynes 

Edmund Grover John Gallop 

John Hill \ John Woodberry 

John Grover Zacharie Herrick 

John Leech, Sen. John Bennet 

John Leech, Jun. John Conant 

Robert Morgan John Lovett, Jun." 

254 Beverly. 

''June 1st, 1671. The magistrates having perused and 
considered this request, see no cause to alter the name of 
the place as desired, their brethren, the deputies, hereto 

Edward Rawson, Secretary. 

Consented to by the Deputyes. 

William Torrey, Cleric" 

Roger Conant, John Balch, John Woodberry and Peter 
Palfry, first settled in 1626, on the neck of land between 
Collins's Cove on the south, and the North river on the 
north, in Salem. Bridge Street, leading from the compact 
part of Salem to Essex (Beverly) Bridge, runs over this 
neck of land. Their first houses were near to the margin 
of the river, and their lots running from the river across 
the neck to Collins's Cove. John Balch removed to 
Beverly side of Bass river, in 1639. Conant and Wood- 
berry removed at an earlier date. Palfry removed to Read- 
ing. Conant was born in Budleigh in England, in April 
1591. In 1623 he came to Plymouth, thence in 1625 to 
Nantasket, in company with Lyford, a minister, and in the 
same year to Cape Ann, where he was superintendant of 
the fishing and planting of the Dorchester company. He 
there built a frame house, w T hich was afterwards taken 
down, by Gov. Endicott, and removed to Salem, and is 
said to make a part of the old tavern, near the Court 
House, in Salem. In the Autumn of 1626, Conant and 
others removed from Cape Ann to Salem. It was owing 
to the firmness, resolution and perseverance of Conant, 
that the settlement at Salem was maintained until the arri- 
val of Gov. Endicott, in 1628, with about a hundred colo- 
nists. Lyford accompanied Conant to Cape Ann, and from 
thence to Salem, but there forsook him, and went to Vir- 
ginia. Conant was made a freeman, by the Court in 1630, 
and represented the town of Salem, in 1634. In 1636, he 
had a grant of 200 acres of land, at the head of Bass 
river, upon which he resided, and in 1671 two hundred 
acres in addition granted to him as an ancient planter, by 
General Court. His son Roger had a grant of land in 
Salem, in 1640, because he was the first born child in that 
town. Several of the descendants of the elder Roger 

Memoir of Rev. John Hale. 255 

Conant, are now living in Beverly. He died in Beverly 
on the 19th of November, 1679, in the 89th year of his 

In Farmer's Genealogical Register, his son Roger is 
mentioned as being alive in 1674 ; if this is correct, the 
following, which is carefully copied from an old bible, now 
in the possession of Henry Larcom of Beverly, must have 
been written by the widow of a third person, of the same 
name. "The ninth day of May, 1672, being Saturday, 
my dear little son Samuel Conant died, and the fifteenth 
day of June, being Saturday, my dear, dear, dear husband, 
Roger Conant died/' 


The Rev. John Hale was son of Robert and Rebeckah 
Hale, of Charlestown, and was born there June 3d, 1636. 
He was educated at Harvard College, and took his first 
degree in 1657. He attended to the usual course of 
studies, preparatory to the Christian ministry, and preach- 
ed at Bass river-side, about the year 1664, that place being 
then a part of Salem, where a Meeting-House had been 
built in 1656, and public worship was attended, although 
those who were members, still retained their relation to 
the first Church in Salem. After preaching at this place, 
upon probation, for about three years, he was called to be 
their pastor, August 23th, 1667. There had been an 
application to the first Church at Salem, by those who had 
settled on the North side of Bass-river, in 1649, for per- 
mission to set up public worship by themselves. " They 
on the tenth of the twelfth month, 1649 : (Edward Norris 
being the teacher), presented their request to the rest of 
the church, for some course to be taken for the means of 
grace amongst themselves, because of the tediousness and 

256 Memoir of Rev. John Hale. 

difficulties over the water and other inconveniences, which 
motion was renewed again, the twenty-second of the 
seventh month, 1650, and the second day of the eighth 
month, they returned answer, that we should look out for 
us, some able and approved teacher to be amongst us, we 
still holding communion with them as before. But on far- 
ther experience, we upon the twenty-third day of the first 
month, 1656, presented our desires to be a church by our- 
selves, and after some agitation about it, when our teacher 
stood for us, it was put to vote, and consented unto, none 
appearing opposite, we protesting there was no division of 
judgment or affection intended, but brotherly communion. 
Our desire being consented unto, we proceeded to build a 
meeting-house on Bass river side, and we called unto us 
successively, to dispense the word of life unto us, Mr. 
Josiah* Hubbard f and Mr. Jeremiah Hubbard, and Mr. John 
Hale, and after almost three years experience of Mr. John 
Hale, our motion was again renewed, the twenty-third of 
the fourth month, 1667, and was as follows. — " We, whose 
names are underwritten, the brethren and sisters belonging 
to Bass-river, do present our desire to the members of the 
church in Salem, that with their consent, we and our child- 
ren may be a church of ourselves, and we also present 
unto Mr. John Hale, to join with us, and to be our pastor, 
with the approbation of the members of the church. 
Roger Conant, Thomas Lothrop, William Dixy, Richard 
Dodge, Samuel Corning, Henry Herrick, William Wood- 
berry, Sen., William Dodge, Sen., Humphrey Woodberry, 
Sen., Robert Morgan, Peter Woolfe, Richard Brackenbury, 
Hugh Woodberry, John Black, Josiah Roote, Sen., John 
Stone, Sen., Nicholas Patch, Lot Conant, Exercise Conant, 
John Dodge, Sen., John Hill, Ralph Ellingwood, Edward 
Bishopp, Sarah Conant, Bethiah Lothrop, Anna Dixy, Mary 
Dodge, Sen., Elizabeth Dodge, Elizabeth Corning, Anna 
Woodberry, Elizabeth Woodberry, Ede Herrick, Elizabeth 
Haskell, Ellen Brackenbury, Anna Woodberry, Jun., Mary 
Lovett, Martha Woolfe, Mary Dodge, Jun., Mary Wood- 
berry, Hannah Woodberry, Hannah Baker, Abigail Hill, 
Sarah Leach, Elizabeth Patch, Mary Herrick, Lydia Her- 
rick, Freegrace Black, Hannah Sallows, Bridget Luff. [49] 

" Jotihua t Usually written Hobart. 

Memoir of Rev. John Hale. 257 

Such as are members, but not in full communion, desire to 
be dismissed with their parents ; [here follow twenty-four 
names, the surnames, with two exceptions, Raiment and 
Hay ward, may be found among the foregoing names]. This 
motion was answered the twenty-first day of the fifth month, 
as follows, viz. : This writing being read, together with 
the names subscribed, there was a unanimous consent, of 
the brethren present, unto their desire ; only it was left 
to the sacrament day after, when in the fullest church 
assembly, the consent of the whole church was signified 
by their votes, and so they gave their liberty to be a church 
by themselves, only they continued members here, until 
their being a church. The Lord grant his gracious pres- 
ence with them. Upon this, the brethren had a meeting 
on the twenty-eighth day of August, and renewed their 
call to Mr. John Hale, that he would be pleased to accept 
of the office of a pastor, (whose answer was as follows. 
M When I look at the weight of the work which you call me 
unto, of w 7 hich Paul cried out, who is sufficient for these 
things ! I then looking upon my own manifold infirmities 
and indisposition of spirit, then unto so many discourage- 
ments, but when I duly consider the Lord's sovereignty 
over me, and ail sufficiency for my support, I desire, when 
I see his work and call, to say with Esaiah, here I am, 
send me : and in particular, when I observe the remark- 
able providences of God, in bringing me hither, and pav- 
ing out our way hitherto, and the room the Lord hath made 
for me in your hearts, (which I acknowledge with thank- 
fulness to God and yourselves). I also look at the call of 
.God in the present call, as a call to me ; being the more 
'confirmed herein, by the concurrence of our apprehensions, 
which hath appeared in those things we had occasion to 
Confer about, concerning our entering into and proceeding 
Iwith church affairs, which I hope the Lord will enable me 
ito practise accordingly. Wherefore, while you walk 
(according to God's order of the Gospel, and in the sted- 
fastness of the faith of Christ, and I see, that with a good 
Conscience and freedom of spirit, I can carry on my work, 
bnd discharge my duty to God and man, and those that are 
under my care, according to the respective relation I may 
'pear unto them, so long as the Lord is calling me to labour 
n this part of his vineyard, I desire to give up myself to 

258 Memoir of Rev. John Hale. 

the Lord and his service, in the work of the ministry in 
this place. Requesting you to strive together with me in 
your prayers for me, that it may redound to his glory, the 
edifying of every soul that shall dwell amongst us, and for 
our joyful account in the day of Christ's appearance. 

By me, John Hale." 

The twentieth of September following, these members 
above-mentioned, (of Salem), united together in a distinct 
Society, and the said Mr. Hale being dismissed from the 
Church of Christ at Charlestown, whereof he was a mem- 
ber, and recommended to the work of Christ here, con- 
curred with them, when they solemnly made confession of 
their faith, and renewed their covenant unto the Lord, 
which was publicly and unanimously owned by them. 
These having proceeded thus far upon this solemn day of 
fasting and prayer, then immediately they proceeded to the 
ordination of Mr. Hale as pastor, who was ordained by the 
laying on of hands of the Reverend Mr. John Higginson, 
pastor of the Church of Salem, and of Mr. Thomas Cob- 
bett, pastor at Ipswich, and of Antipas Newman, pastor at 
Wenham. Then were they owned to be a distinct church 
by the elders and messengers of the neighbour churches 
abovesaid, who gave their approbation and right hand of 
fellowship. " In May following, a letter was received from 
Rev. John Higginson, of the Church in Salem, informing 
that all the members of the Church in Salem, living on 
Bass-river side, were dismissed, although not particularly 
named in the first instance, as being dismissed. 

Previously to Mr. Hale's settlement at Bass-river side, 
he was married to Rebeckah, the daughter of Henry Byles, 
who came from Sarum in England, and settled in Salisbury 
as early as 1640. 

She was received into the Church, by recommendation 
from the Church in Salisbury, September 22, 1667. 

She was the mother of two children, viz., 

Rebeckah, born the twenty-eighth day of April, 1666. 

Robert, born the third of November, 1668. 

She died April 13th, 1683, aged 45 years. 

Mr. Hale's second wife was Mrs. Sarah Noyes of New- 
bury ; to whom he was married on the thirty-first of 
March, 1684. She was received into the Church, by 

Memoir of Rev. John Hale. 259 

recommendation from the Church at Newbury, October, 

She was the mother of four children, viz., 

James, born the fourteenth of October, 1685. 

Samuel, born the thirteenth of August, 1687. 

Joanna, born the fifteenth of June, 1689. 

John, born the twenty-fourth of December, 1692. 

She died May 20th, 1695, aged 41 years. 

Mr. Hale's third wife, was Mrs. Elizabeth Clark, of 
Newbury. The intention of marriage was published July 
14th, 1698, and she was received into the Church, by- 
recommendation from the church in Newbury, September 
17th, 1699, so that the marriage took place between these 
two last dates. She survived Mr. Hale. The compensa- 
tion which the Society agreed to give Mr. Hale, for his 
services amongst them, was settled two years before his 
ordination, as will appear by the following extract from 
the records, dated May 15th, 1665. " Whereas we do 
with one consent, invite Mr. John Hale to come amongst 
us, in order to settling with us in the work of the ministry; 
for his due encouragement in the work of the Lord among 
us, according to II. Chronicles, xxxi. — xxxiv. ; and that 
he may attend upon the work of the ministry, without dis- 
traction, we do promise and engage to pay unto him, £70 
per annum, and his firewood : raised amongst us by a rate 
in equal portions, according to our former custom. And 
for the manner and time of payment, that he may not have 
to do with particular men's portion of allowance, the bill 
shall not be delivered unto him, nor shall he be troubled 
with gathering of it in ; but two men shall be chosen year 
by year, to take the care of bringing it into his house, and 
to make up the account at the appointed time. Nehemiah 
x. 34. Also, whereas we have built a house for the minis- 
try, wherein it is defective, to be furnished by us ; and there 
are two acres of home lot (to be fenced in by us), and as 
imuch meadow land belonging to it, as commonly bears 
about four loads of hay. We do agree that he shall have 
the use of that, so long as he continues in the work of the 
ministry with us. Yet because it is his duty to provide for 
(wife and children, that he may leave behind him, and our 
| ] duty to have a care of him in that respect, we do therefore 
(promise and engage, that in the case he die in the ministry 

260 Memoir of Rev. John Hale. 

with us, that either the house and two acre home lot afore- 
mentioned, shall be his, or that which is equivalent, to be 
paid (according to his last will and testament), within the 
compass of on© year after his decease. It is also agreed 
by all of us, that Mr. Hale shall have the use and benefit 
of pasturing, the time he lives with us." The first persons 
chosen to make the rate for Mr. Hale's maintenance, for 
the year 1665, were Captain Thomas Lothrop, who was 
slain in the battle of Bloody Brook, September 13th, 1675, 
(old style), Mr. Thorndike, Roger Conant, the first settler 
of Salem, in 1626, and in 1665, in the seventy-fifth year 
of his age, Samuel Corning and Joseph Rootes. At another 
meeting, Lieutenant William Dixy and Humphrey Wood- 
berry, have power to appoint the time, and to give notice 
to the inhabitants, when they shall come together to build 
the house for Mr. Hale's cattle, and whoever doth not 
come, shall pay 35. The house to be 18 feet long, 10 feet 
wide, and seven or eight feet stud. William Dixy arrived 
from England, at Cape Ann, in 1629, settled in Beverly, 
was admitted a freeman in 1634, and died in 1690, aged 
82. There is a tradition, that the first child born on the 
north or Beverly side of Bass-river,, was his. Humphrey 
Wood berry was the son of John Woodberry, the compan- 
ion of Roger Conant, in effecting the settlement at Salem. 
Humphrey was chosen the first deacon of the Beverly 
Church, February 24th, 1667-8, and died about 1685. 
Dixy, on the death of Captain Lothrop in 1675, and at the 
age of 67, succeeded Lothrop as Captain of the Beverly 
militia company. 

"It is agreed, that farmer Dodge shall be paid for his 
ground which is bought for the ministry, either two cows 
or ten pounds. Humphrey Woodberry is to have after the 
rale of 20s. an acre, for his ground, and he is to have free 
liberty to pass through with a cart, when he hath occas- 

November 9th, 1667. In order that Mr. Hale should 
be supplied with wood, four men w 7 ere appointed to deter- 
mine how much every one should cut and haul, and see to 
the delivery of it. This method of supply was not long 
found convenient, and in 1671, they agreed with two per- 
sons to deliver thirty cords, corded up in Mr. Hale's yard, 
at 6s. per cord. And if that was not sufficient to com- 

Memoir of Rev. John Hale. 261 

plete the year, to bring enough more at the same rate. 
The year for this mode of supply, was to begin in Novem- 
ber, 1671. 

November 5th, 1677. It was voted "that the wood for 
Mr. Hale should be bought out of the rate or tax assessed. 

June 11th, 1669. Mr. Hale's salary was reduced to 
£60, but a piece of land was granted him, in lieu of the 
£10 taken from his salary. His wood was to be brought 
home to him, by the last Monday in October. This arrange- 
ment probably was not acceded to by Mr. Hale, as it ap- 
pears to be inconsistent with subsequent votes. August 
5th, 1684. It was voted, that from this time forward, the 
town will pay to Mr. Hale, £64 in money, instead of the 
£70 and firewood as formerly. This was acceded to by 
Mr. Hale. The salary of £70 was payable in produce, 
at a regulated price. This was called Rate Pay, which, 
with the w r ood, perhaps was not more valuable, than £64 
per annum, payable quarterly in money. By a record in 
the town's book, of December 1681, in regard to building 
a new meeting-house for the town, the sum agreed to be 
given, was £370 in silver money, or in lieu thereof, £550 
in produce, being a difference of forty-nine per cent, be- 
tween the payment in silver money, and the payment in 
produce at the current prices. This last agreement with 
Mr. Hale, was not to affect arrearages, but they were to 
be settled upon the former principle. In the year before 
this, they had agreed to collect Mr. Hale's salary by con- 
tribution, and make up the deficiency by a rate. Each 
person to be allowed what he contributes, and not to be 
burdened with the delinquency of others. About the time 
of Mr. Hale's last marriage, £10 was added to his salary, 
so that it was £74 from thence to his decease. 

March 5th, 1694. The dwelling-house, and about two 
lacres of land whereon he lived, was granted to him and 
this heirs for ever. 

Mr. Hale appears to have taken an active part in the 
iexamination of those accused of witchcraft in 1692. March 
p4th, 1692, he made the prayer at the meeting-house in 
palem village [now Danvers], when Goodwife Nurse, was 
examined before the magistrates, Hathorne and Curwen, 
pnd was also present on the 14th of May following, at the 
Examination of Mrs. Cary. Both of these persons were 

262 Memoir of Rev. John Hale. 

tried, condemned and executed * for the alleged crime of 
witchcraft. Four of his parishioners were among those 
who were arrested, viz. Dorcas Hoar, who was condemned 
but not executed, Sarah Murrel, Sussanna Rootes and Job 
Tookey. In October of the same year, a person belonging to 
Wenham, accused his beloved wife, who was then enceinte 
of a son, who was born on the 24th December following, 
of the crime of witchcraft. This brought him to a stand ; 
he knew the virtuous character of his wife; he was perfectly 
satisfied of the sincerity of her piety, and of the correct- 
ness of her religious views. Her religious character had 
won for her a reputation among her friends and neighbors, 
which was an effectual security against the malignity or 
the superstition of her accuser. It had then become a 
stated controversy among the NewEngland divines, whether 
the devil could afflict any one, in the shape of a good 
man or woman. Until this complaint against his wife, 
Mr. Hale held to the opinion, that the devil could not so 
use the shape of a sincere christian ; that when through the 
instrumentality of any one, the devil afflicted others, it was 
conclusive evidence, that the person thus made use of to 
gratify his malignity, was in league with him, and so no 
longer to be permitted to live among a christian people. 
But after the accusation of his wife, instead of suspecting 
the truth and sincerity of her accusers, he adopted the 
opposite opinion, which would reconcile the fidelity of her 
accuser, with the entire innocence of his wife, and throw 
the whole blame upon the devil. He however contend- 
ed, that the devil might and did make use of the true 
christian, in afflicting others, who would accuse the instru- 
ment which he made use of against their will, of his own 
diabolical acts. This opinion prevailed extensively, and 
gave a new turn to the prosecutions. 

Mr. Hale's natural good sense afterwards predominated, 
and in 1697, he w 7 rote a book upon the subject of witch- 
craft, which was soon afterwards published. In this work, 
he maintained, that the true evidences of witchcraft, had 
not been insisted upon in the late trials and examinations, 
and that great errors had been committed, by both magis- 
trates and ministers. 

Though Mrs. Carey was tried and imprisoned for witchcraft, yet she was not 
executed. Her name wns probably mistaken for Martha Cory, who was hung on 
a similar charge. Pub. Com.! 

Memoir of Rev. John Hale. 263 

March 23d, 1697. John Higginson, minister of the 
First Church in Salem, aged 82 years, speaking of Mr. 
Hale's book on Witchcraft, says: "As for myself, being 
under the infirmities of a decrepit old age, I stirred little 
abroad, and was much disenabled (both in body and mind) 
from knowing and judging of occurrents and transactions 
of that time : but my Reverend brother, Mr. Hale, having 
for above thirty years, been pastor of the Church at Bev- 
erly (but two miles from Salem, where the trials were), 
was frequently present, and was a diligent observer of all 
that passed, and being one of a singular prudence and saga- 
city, in searching into the narrows of things: he hath (after 
much deliberation) in this treatise, related the substance of 
the case as it was, and given reasons from scripture against 
some of the principles and practices, then used in the trials 
of witchcraft ; and said something also in a positive way, 
and shewing the right application, that is to be made of 
the whole, and all this in such a pious and modest manner, 
as cannot be offensive to any, but may be generally accept- 
able to all the lovers of truth and peace." Mr. Hale, in 
the preface to his book, says, "I have been present at 
several examinations and trials, and knew sundry of those 
I that suffered upon that account in former years, and in this 
| last affair, and so have more advantages than a stranger, 
to give account of these proceedings. I have been from 
my youth, trained up in the knowledge and belief of most 
of those principles, I here question, as unsafe to be used. 
jThe first person* 1 that suffered on this account in New 
England, about fifty years since, was my neighbor, and I 
heard much of what was charged upon her, and others in 
llthose times ; and the reverence I -bore to aged, learned 
land judicious persons, caused me to drink in their princi- 
ples in these things, with a kind of implicit faith. But 
(observing the events of that sad catastrophe in the year 
11692, I was brought to a more strict scanning of the prin- 
ciples I had imbibed, and by scanning, to question, and by 
^questioning at length to reject many of them, upon the rea- 
|sons shewed in the ensuing discourse. No truth is more cer- 
Itain to a man, than that which he had formerly doubted or 
Ijdenied, and is recovered from his error, by the convincing 

* Margaret Jones of Charlestown, executed, 1648, 

264 Memoir of Rev. John Hale. 

evidence of scripture and reason. I have had a deep sense 
of the sad consequences of mistakes, in matters capital ; 
and their impossibility of recovering when compleated ; 
and what grief of heart it brings to a tender conscience, 
to have been unwittingly encouraging of the sufferings of 
the innocent. And I hope, a zeal to prevent for the future 
such sufferings, is pardonable, although there should be 
much weakness, and some errors in the pursuit thereof." 
It was honorable to the character of Mr. Hale, that he so 
far overcame the prejudices of his early education, and 
that he w T as able to combat the pride of opinion. Not merely 
of opinions entertained, but those which had been exten- 
sively acted upon, under circumstances of the most intense 
interest, among his neighbors and friends. That he changed 
his opinions, w T as no more than others did, but it was more, 
that he came out before the world, and admitting his own 
error, with great candor and fairness,* proved by the 
strongest arguments in his power, the fallacy of those 
principles which had governed his own conduct, as well as 
that of many of the principal men with whom he cooper- 
ated, in the horrid scene which had just passed. He was 
actuated by the soundest principles of true Philosophy : — 
he doubted, he questioned, he scanned, he rejected and 
was recovered from his errors, by the convincing evidence 
of scripture and of reason. Bigotry and superstition, if it 
had in some degree enthralled his mind, no longer main- 
tained its hold. 

An examination of the Church records during the whole 
period of Mr. Hale's ministry, furnishes convincing evidence 
of his liberality. Nothing is there to be found, indicative 
of any interference with freedom of opinion. Censures of 
the Church, for immorality of life, were not unfrequent in 
those days, but none appear on record for errors of opinion. 
The liberality of his practice, in relation to the adminis- 
tration of the ordinances of the Christian Religion, has 
generally been followed in the first Church in Beverly up 
to the present time. He was ready to make pecuniary 
sacrifices, when the circumstances of his people seemed to 
demand it. Thus in 1676, when the whole colony were 
suffering the greatest distress from King Phillip's war, Mr. 

* Others did the same. 

Memoir of Rev. John Hale. 265 

Hale ordered the selectmen to dispose of £6, about one 
twelfth of his year's salary, for public uses ; such as forti- 
fication, ammunition, and country rates. In 1683, he gave 
£5 towards building the second meeting-house. His la- 
bors in regard to the secular concerns of his people, were 
freely bestowed. Of this, the town records bear frequent 
testimony. When in 1680, the inhabitants between the 
Merrimac and Naumkeag rivers, were thrown into great 
consternation and distress, by the heirs or assigns of John 
Mason, laying claim to all the lands between those two 
rivers, including the whole town of Beverly, as well as 
several other towns, Mr. Hale was appointed, with others, 
to defend the town's rights, to memorialize the King and 
the General Court, and to perform various other services, 
which the exigency of the case required. The memorial 
of the town upon this occasion, to the General Court, was 
as follows, viz. : 

The petition of the inhabitants of Beverly in the County 
of Essex, unto the Honorable General Court of the Massa- 
chusetts, sitting at Boston, February 22nd, 1681, humbly 
sheweth, that we the loyal subjects of our dread sovereign 
Lord, King Charles the Second, King of England, France 
and Ireland, defender of the faith, having seen his Royal 
command, by his letters, bearing date September 30th, 
1680, to the inhabitants between Merrimack and Naum- 
keag rivers, requiring them to make improvement of their 
lawful defence for the lands they possess, before his high- 
ness in Council, and having intimated that we may possibly 
be concerned in Mr. Mason's claim, do humbly declare, 
that we know not by his Majesty's letters, that we are 
comprised under that command, seeing there be sundry 
rivers named Naumkeag, and we know not which the let- 
ter refers unto. We humbly conceive this answer might 
suffice, until Mr. Mason, or some other in his behalf, do 
shew us his grant, or some exemplification thereof, where- 
by we may know whether we be claimed by him or no. 
That we may not seem unto such as suppose us to be com- 
prehended, to be defective in our allegiance, we add that 
we being many, have our several particular titles to pro- 
duce, if Robert Mason, Esq. put us upon it, and he that 
hath but one acre, expects a fair legal trial, for all that he 
can justly produce to plead for it. 

266 Memoir of Rev. John Hale. 

So that we can produce quires, yea reams of paper, 
which we conceive it would be presumption in us to desire 
or expect our dread sovereign, to be diverted from the 
weighty affairs of three kingdoms for the hearing of, for 
we have had above fifty years quiet possession, and entered 
upon the place, with the good liking of the Indians, the 
ancient inhabitants of this country. We have ventured 
our lives and estates, and worn out much time and strength, 
in the subduing a wilderness for the increasing his Majes- 
ty's dominions and customs. And in the late wars with 
the heathen, have carried our lives in our hands to defend 
our possessions, with loss of about twelve English lives of 
our town, and expended some hundreds of pounds, to main- 
tain our lands, and in this time of above fifty years, neither 
Mr. Mason, nor any for him, did either take possession, or 
disburse estate, or made demand of our lands, or expended 
one penny to defend them. We humbly conceive his Ma- 
jesty's royal justice intends, not to put us to the charges 
of sending our deeds and evidences three thousand miles, 
before any demand of Mr. Mason upon the place, to try at 
least, whether we will own the lands as his, without put- 
ting us to so much charge, but that which we humbly pray 
for is, that whoever lays any claim to our lands, that the 
title may be tried upon the place, by his Majesty's govern- 
ment here. 

First, because when our last messengers were in Eng- 
land, the Lord Chief Justice and others, did judge it equal, 
that whoever laid claim to any soil within the limits of the 
Patent, his title should be tried by his Majesty's govern- 
ment upon the place, and seeing his Majesty was graciously 
pleased to confirm this determination, and require all par- 
ties concerned to acquiess therein, we humbly plead the 
benefit of that determination. 

Secondly, our Charter gives power to the government 
and company of the Massachusetts, to make such laws and 
ordinances for the good and welfare of the said company, 
and for the government and ordering of the said lands and 
plantations, and people inhabiting and to inhabit the same, 
as to them from time to time shall be thought mete, now 
according to the laws and ordinances made by this Royal 
authority and direction, have we a title to plead for our 
respective possessions, humbly pleading our title may be 

Memoir of Rev. John Hale. 267 

tried by those laws, by which our lands are to be governed, 
according to our Charter. 

Thirdly, our Gracious Sovereign was pleased, by his let- 
ters, dated February loth, 1660, thus to signify his pleas- 
ure, viz. : " As we consider New England to be one of the 
chiefest, having enjoyed and grown up in a long and orderly 
establishment, so we shall not come behind any of our 
Royal predecessors, in a just encouragement and protection 
of all our loving subjects there. " And we, by this our 
orderly establishment, did then hold our lands, and by the 
said orderly establishment, have since those letters, held 
them twenty years more, and do humbly desire and expect 
to be tried by those laws, here made, which are the means 
of your and our orderly establishment, and a branch of 
that just encouragement and protection, which we hope 
for, by the gracious promise of our dread Sovereign. 
Wherefore our humble request to this honoured Court, is 
that if Robert Mason, Esq., pretends a title to any lands 
in our possession, you w 7 ill be instrumental in our behalf, 
to present for these our righteous pleas for the lands we pos- 
sess, for the just improvement of our lawful defence before 
his Majesty in Council. Interceding that his Royal care 
and tenderness, expressed toward us his meanest sub- 
jects, may be still continued to confirm our long enjoyed 
privileges, granted by his Royal Highness and Royal pre- 
decessors, and we resolve through the grace of God, with 
our persons and estates, to approve ourselves his loyal sub- 
jects, even to the death. Praying to the throne of Grace, 
for the chiefest blessings of heaven and earth, to be show- 
ered upon his Royal head and heart, and remain your 
humble petitioners. In the name and by the order of the 

Paul Thorndike. 

John Dodge. 

John Hill. 

Exercise Conant. 

Thomas West. 

At a town-meeting, January 7, 1681, " the Rev. Mr. 
Hale, Captain Dixy and Mr. John Dodge were chosen by 
the town, to meet at Ipswich, the second Wednesday in 
February, to present such pleas and evidences for the title 

268 Memoir of Rev. John Hale. 

of our land, as the town hath agreed upon in writing, and 
according thereunto, to join with such others as then shall 
meet, to draw up something to be presented to his Majes- 
ty, by such messengers as the General Court shall send." 

April 20th, 1682. At a town meeting "Mr. John Hale, 
Farmer William Dodge, Samuel Corning, Sen., John Ray- 
ment, Sen., Exercise Conant and John Hill were chosen to 
go to Ipswich, on the 21st, to take notice of an address 
framed unto his Majesty, in the name and behalf of them- 
selves and others, called parties unto Mr. Mason's claim. " 

March 13th, 1683. At a town meeting, " Lieut. Thorn- 
dike was chosen to go to Ipswich, to meet with others 
deputed by their respective towns, the last Tuesday of 
March, to consider and advise what may be best and most 
proper to be done for the securing of our lands and pos- 
sessions. " 

In 1690, Mr. Hale was employed as a Chaplain, in the 
expedition of that year, to Canada. During his absence, 
his son Robert, who was graduated at Harvard College in 
1686, and afterwards became a Physician, supplied the 
place of his Father, in preaching and the performance of 
other clerical duties, from August 4th, until his return, 
Nov. 20th. A strong motive with Mr. Hale, for engag- 
ing in this military office, was, that a company of soldiers 
was raised under the command of Captain William Ray- 
mond, among his parishioners, and he chose to follow 
them, to watch over the morals of so large a portion of the 
young men of his flock. 

A township of land was granted to reward Captain 
Raymond and his soldiers. About forty-four years after 
this unfortunate expedition, December 31st, 1734, on the 
petition of Robert Hale, grandson of the minister, John 
Hale, said Robert then being the representative from Bev- 
erly in the General Court, three hundred acres of land 
were granted to the heirs of John Hale, on account of his 
services in said expedition. 

There are several instances mentioned on the town 
records, besides those that have been particularly men- 
tioned, of the kindness and liberality of Mr. Hale's parish- 
ioners towards him, in making him various grants, and 
providing for his better accommodation ; a sure indication 

Memoir of Rev. John Hale. 269 

of the acceptableness of his services, and an evidence of 
his public spirit. 

Mr. Hale died on the 15th of May, 1700, in the sixty- 
fourth year of his age, and in the 36th year of his ministry, 
including the three years he preached to his people, before 
he was ordained. 

He was buried in the Parish burying ground, and the 
place is still marked by a stone, with the following inscrip- 
tion, viz. "Here lyes ye body of ye Reverend Mr. John 
Hale, a pious and faithful minister of ye Gospel, and pas- 
tor of ye first gathered Church of Christ, in this town of 
Beverly, who rested from his labours on the 15th day of 
May, Anno Domine, 1700, in the 64th year of his age." 

The estate on which he lived, is still owned by his de- 
scendants and his dwelling-house, though much altered and 
enlarged, still remains. 

I will conclude this notice of Mr. Hale, with one more 
extract from the town records, relating to his last sickness. 

"March 22d, 1704-5, the Selectmen allowed Jonathan 
Dodge five shillings, for his great care and pains, in fetching 
Mr. John Hale from Charlestown in a coach, and Jonathan 
Herrick is allowed five shillings, for being helpful on the 
same occasion." 


LL.D., &c, by Rev. W. Jenks, D.D. 

It has fallen to the lot of very few members of the 
American clergy, to be more extensively or more favorably 
known, than our late respected associate. His diversified 
connections with various literary and benevolent societies, 
his highly respectable standing as a divine, placed in con- 
tact for nearly half a century, with the advantages of our 
first seminary of learning, and in habits of acquaintance 
with its successive governors and teachers ; and, perhaps, 
more than all, the nature and value of those researches, to 
which he devoted so industriously, whatever leisure he 
might possess from the occupations of a laborious and most 
responsible profession, served to confer on him this well- 
deserved distinction : because, as has been justly remarked, 
" in all ages, the writing of history has employed the 
ablest men of all nations ; and to this day, hardly any 
writer enjoys a greater, a more extensive, and what will 
probably be a more lasting reputation, than a good his- 
torian.' * 

Our departed friend and fellow-laborer was descended 
paternally of a family which resided from an early period 
in Woodstock, a town formerly belonging to the jurisdic- 
tion of Massachusetts, but now lying in Connecticut ; and 
on the female side from the old Bay family of Lathrop, or 
Lothropp,! the first bearer of which name in New Eng- 
land, was minister of Scituate. The name of Holmes is 
probably of the pure Saxon derivation ; but to which of 
the English families who bear it, and whose distinct armo- 
rial insignia are* I think, full fifteen in number, his own is 
traceable, is not clear. It is perhaps sufficient to know, 
that he inherited a good constitution from his ancestors, 
and what merit now to be termed admirable developments 

* Priestley. Lectures on Hist. L. i. 

t Coll. Mass. Hist. Soc. Letter of Rev. Dr. Lathrop. 

Memoir of Rev. Abiel Holmes. 271 

of natural talent, in a person of the middle size, and well- 
proportioned, and of a temperament and countenance high- 
ly indicative of moderation and kindness. 

His father was Dr. David Holmes, a practising physi- 
sician, who served during the war in Canada, for three 
campaigns, as a captain in the regiment of Col. Fitch, 
and left his "orderly book," of four volumes, to be subse- 
quently quoted in the American Annals of his distinguished 
son. At the revolution, he was one of the earliest en- 
gaged in the struggle, having ''joined the army in his 
professional character as a physician, on the first intelli- 
gence of the battle at Lexington, and continuing, in the 
service until the fourth year of the war, when, worn down 
with the labors and fatigues of the camp, he returned home, 
and shortly after expired, in his 58th year." # 

The son was born on the 24th of December, 1763, and 
at the time of his father's death, had reached his sixteenth 
year, having then nearly prepared for his collegiate course. 
Of his early propensities and pursuits, no traces are in 
possession of the writer ; but that his youth was marked 
by sedulous application, and bore besides the distinguishing 
impressions of serious religion, there is good reason to 
believe, for he became a member of the church in Yale 
College, " on the first sabbath in March, 1781," having 
been so admitted by President Stiles, who had then been 
at the head of the college for nearly three years. The 
period of his college life, was one of peculiar trials and 
distress, on account of public affairs, New Haven having 
been made the scene of predatory warfare, and the anni 
versary commencement exercises, having been for years 
suspended by "the gloomy state of the country." f 

Mr. Holmes was graduated Sept. 10th, 1783, and it 
appears, although I am not able to give the date, that he 
must soon after have accepted the appointment of Tutor. 
During this year it was, that a state of things deeply in- 
teresting in a religious view, and equally so as to its gen- 
eral effects on character and usefulness, as respects the 
members of the literary institution, occurred in Yale Col- 
lege ; which, as his account of it exhibits the principles 
and feelings of an evangelical minister of Christ, and con- 

* See vol. ii, p. 85, and App. note 3. last ed. 

t Baldwin's Hist, of Yale Coll. Life of Stiles, pp. 261—265. 

272 Memoir of Rev. Abiel Holmes. 

cern my own personal friend, I shall indulge myself with 
relating in his own well-weighed but decisive language. 
" In the course of this-summer 9 considerable additions were 
made to the college church. It had never been so large 
since its foundation, as it was rendered by these accessions. 
The President, and the Professor of Divinity, had previously 
entertained great solicitude for this little flock, which was 
almost entirely composed of members of the Senior class, 
who were soon to take leave of the University. The ad- 
mission of eighteen new members from the other classes, 
w T ithin one month, was justly viewed as a very interesting 
and joyful event. If the importance of Religion, in a 
seminary of learning, is duly considered, either as it re- 
spects the students themselves, or the community, in which 
they are becoming formed to act an influential part ; what 
has now been recorded, will not be judged too inconsider- 
able for preservation. The writer, at least, must charge 
himself with impiety, should he forget an event, of which 
he was an eye-witness, and which, he is certain, caused 
many thanksgivings to God. — In a late interview with a 
worthy minister, who, at the time here referred to, was a 
student at college, and who knows the subsequent history 
of his fellow-students, who then joined the college church; 
on a particular inquiry of him, concerning their charac- 
ters, it appeared that, without any known exception, they 
have steadily adhered to their early profession. By their 
fruits, said the Saviour, ye shall know them. Will any, after 
all, call this enthusiasm ? Would to God, there were more 
of it in the world ! This is an event, which, to use the 
language of the excellent Dr. Doddridge, # in a similar 
case, 'I behold with equal wonder and delight ; and 
which, if a nation should join in deriding it, I would adore 
as the finger of God.' " f Such a state of things has, hap- 
pily, since this period, not unfrequently been found in many 
of the now multiplied literary institutions of the United 
States ; J and it cannot be doubted by any believer of the 
Bible, that were all seminaries of learning thoroughly im- 
bued with an influence genuinely religious, the hopes of 

* " Life of Colonel Gardiner." 

t Life of Stiles, pp. 286, 287. 

X See publications of the American Education Society, &c. 

Memoir of Rev. Abiel Holmes. 273 

mankind, and peculiarly of our own country, would be far 
brighter and more cheering. 

It appears that Mr. Holmes preached first at Midway 
in Georgia, the year after leaving college, in the month of 
August. His settlement with the church and congrega- 
tion there, was accomplished in 1785 ; and he continued 
to discharge the duties of his ministry among this people, 
whom he always remembered with affection, and to whose 
character he bore an ample testimony, until June, 1791, 
when ill-health, probably the effect of the climate, com- 
pelled him to leave the state. He had, the year before, 
become a son-in-law of President Stiles, having married 
his daughter Mary, with whom, however, he lived in that 
union for five years only. # 

The first congregational church in Cambridge had be- 
come vacant by the death of Rev. Mr. Hilliard, in 1790. 
Mr. Holmes was invited to supply his place, and, having 
accepted the invitation, was installed as pastor, Jan. 25th, 
1792. This relation he sustained, until it was dissolved by 
a mutual ecclesiastical council, Sept. 26th, 1832, after a 
continuance of forty years. 

In this memoir, the records of his long and useful min- 
istry will not be expected. They are written, as are those 
of many other faithful servants of Christ, on the fleshly 
tables of multitudes of hearts, to appear at a future day. 
But a cultivation of a taste for learning, and the making of 
important acquisitions in science, and the exercise of a 
love pf literature, as they are the product of a liberal edu- 
cation, so they cannot fail to occupy those intervals of a 
scholar's life, which are left him for professional engage- 
ments. That the duties of his ministry were discharged 
with industrious fidelity, and with punctuality, zeal and 
perseverance, has ever been acknowledged. That he was 
able to give attention to collateral pursuits, of a character 
not strictly within the necessary scope of a clergyman's 
studies, is in a great measure owing, doubtless, to a supe- 
rior improvement of time, as well as to a peculiar bias of 
mind, or inclination to inquiries of a character other than 
solely theological. 

But perhaps even this appearance of apology, is alto- 

* Mrs. Mary Holmes died at Cambridge, Aug. 29th, 1795. 

274 Memoir of Rev. Abiel Holmes. 

getber uncalled for. God, in his wise providence, " shapes 
our ends," and leads us in a way we had not known. The 
death of his revered father-in-law, in the spring of the 
year 1795, placed in his hands, by a special bequest, no 
less than forty volumes of the valuable manuscripts, which 
contained the results of the learned president's extensive 
inquiries. This circumstance, possibly, gave no incon- 
siderable direction to his own. President Stiles had in- 
dulged in very diversified researches. These had been 
pursued with characteristic ardor, and sustained by an 
extensive and remarkably inquisitive correspondence with 
men, high in literary attainment, both at home and abroad, 
that is, within the bounds of the British dominions, and 
without them : for, at the time in which they were com- 
menced, Mr. Stiles looked on England, like every other 
distinguished Anglo-American, with strong filial attach- 
ment, and felt himself specially entitled to the enjoyment 
of a free and full intercourse with all the subjects of its 
government, while he cultivated similar dispositions toward 
all members of the republic of learning, at large. 

" On the receipt of this cabinet of manuscripts, above 
a year after the president's death, " observes Mr. Holmes, 
" I began, with what diligence my health and professional 
labors would admit, to examine them ; and judged, in the 
result, that they furnished copious materials for the biogra- 
phy of their author." This biography, "in compliance 
with the wishes and advice of several judicious friends of 
the president," he undertook. His "other advantages 
were, an intimate acquaintance with him, obtained by a 
residence of four years at the University, as his pupil ; a 
subsequent residence there, as a tutor ; a correspondence 
with him for several years, and an alliance with his family." 
Hence then he adds, " hoping that such a work would sub- 
serve the interests of religion and of science, I no longer 
hesitated to undertake it" — judging that "the union of 


In this spirit was the Life of President Stiles written, 
and published as early as May, 1798. And, to my own 
mind, it scarcely admits a doubt, that, whatever were the 

* Pref. to Life of Pres. Stiles. 

Memoir of Rev. Abiel Holmes. 275 

taste, patriotism, industry, piety and scholarly acquisitions 
of the biographer, when he girded himself to this work, 
his progress in it, and contemplation of the venerated sub- 
ject of it, must have tended, in no inconsiderable degree, 
to fix his taste, to enlighten and animate his patriotism, to 
inspirit his industry, to warm and sublimate his piety, and 
to fill him with desires, emulative of the kindred virtues 
and accomplishments of his relative. Add to this, the 
manuscripts themselves were exceedingly rich in local 
references, philosophical observations, historical details, 
biographical notices, statistical remarks and tables, and 
aspirations and plans of patriotic devotion. President 
Stiles had, nearly eighty years ago, addressed distin- 
guished men on the subject of the history of these Colo- 
nies, and solicited communications. He sought interviews 
with observing scholars, in order to increase his own in- 
formation, and received, from many, such communications 
as might at a subsequent date be moulded into history, 
whether civil, natural or ecclesiastical. As early as 1760 
we find them, and in 1768, the celebrated Dr. Chauncy, 
of Boston, addressed him a letter of the nature alluded to, 
and which is now published in our Collections,* giving "a 
sketch of eminent men in New England, " and intimating 
the purpose to which such notices were intended to con- 
tribute. How valuable to our friend, these ample mate- 
rials were, let the numerous references and quotations of 
his great and principal work evince. 

While the Life of President Stiles was in the press, 
Mr. Holmes was elected a member of this Society. f With 
w r hat efficiency he engaged as a fellow-laborer, is well 
known to those of his associates who yet remain, and 
might appear from a simple recital of his official appoint- 
ments, or literary contributions, or individual exertions. 
As early as the publication of even the second volume of 
our Collections, his name appears first, with those of Rev. 
Dr. Harris, the Hon. J. Quincy, now President of the 
University, and the lamented Professor McKean, on " the 
Committee of publication/' Similar service also he per- 
formed, in assisting to prepare the fifth sixth, seventh, 

' Vol. x. 1st Series, p. 154. This volume is enriched with several other letters 
>f similar kind. 

April 24th, 1706. 

276 Memoir of Rev. Abiel Holmes. 

eighth and tenth volumes of the first series ; and in 1813, 
succeeded the Rev. Dr. Eliot, as Corresponding Secre- 
tary — an office he continued to fill, until 1834, when he 
felt it necessary to resign the charge. 

The life of President Stiles, was not absolutely the 
first publication of our respected associate, although it 
attracted toward him no slight regard. He had published 
in 1787, his own pastoral Address, delivered at his ordi- 
nation in Georgia. In 1795, he published likewise a Ser- 
mon on the National Thanksgiving appointed for the 19th 
of February of that year. He was also known, by a few 
friends at least, as principal contributor to an entertaining 
little volume of poetical effusions, "printed, not publish- 
ed," and termed the "Family Tablet, " having been pro- 
duced by members of that endeared association. This, as 
all his other literary productions, evinces an elegant, well- 
harmonised mind, a correct, classical taste, a playful, inno- 
cent fancy, under subjection however to a severe judgment. 
His style was pure, and not inharmonious ; precise, but 
neither stiff nor harsh. In several single Discourses, he 
occasionally appeared before the community, during almost 
the whole of his professional life ; and I well remember 
the approving sentence concerning them uttered by an 
accurate and distinguished scholar, of totally opposite 
sentiments in theology, but a strict and impartial scruti- 
nizer of men and manners — a respected and efficient asso- 
ciate in our Society — indeed one of its founders, the Rev. 
Dr. Freeman. More than once he expressed to me the 
language of warm applause, when speaking of Dr. Holmes's 
published Sermons. 

But he meditated a greater literary labor. How early 
his thoughts had been directed to it, I have no means of 
knowing ; yet at the close of our ninth volume, for 1804, 
which contains two of his historical communications, he 
having previously published his history of Cambridge in a 
Centurial Sermon, is a "Literary Notice, " purporting 
that " a member of the Massachusetts Historical Society, 
has it in contemplation to publish a work, to be entitled 
American Annals. It will commence with the discovery 
of America, in 1492, and extend to the present time; and 
is designed to give a concise history of the most important 
events, that have taken place within that period, on the 

Memoir of Rev. Abiel Holmes. 277 

continent of North and South America, and in the West 
India islands ; and of such events, in foreign parts, as had 
special relation to this country, or ultimately affected its 
interests."* Further details of the plan are given, and 
pledges made — all of which have, it is believed, been re- 
deemed to the full. 

In 1805, this work appeared in two volumes, 8vo., and 
it may perhaps be said, more than answered the public 
expectation. To prepare it, must have been a task truly 
Herculean. So diversified are its materials in character ; 
so scattered in their several localities ; so well presented, 
with accuracy, neatness and impartiality ; that it assumed 
at once and has uniformly maintained the character of one 
of the first standard works of our country. In fact, I know 
of no work of the kind which ranks higher. For it is by 
no means a meagre detail of facts ; but, as was originally 
proposed, " while it relates events in the order of time, on 
the plan of chronology, it dilates on articles of peculiar 
importance, after the manner of history, and gives authori- 
ties with precision. " It established, at once, a high repu- 
tation for its author. 

Were it not for the familiarity of the fact, which almost 
every writer has had occasion to observe, from the orator 
of Rome to our own day, that, when the mind is fixed on 
a certain object of inquiry, and pursues it with reference 
to its kindred subjects, these appear to multiply indefi- 
nitely ; we should be absolutely astonished at the variety 
of information contained in these volumes. But facts and 
remarks accumulated, doubtless, almost, insensibly ; and 
the ever vigilant attention of the annalist was perpetually 
securing them for their appropriate place, with an industry 
and modesty happily embodied in the simple but significant 
motto that adorns the title page.f 

The first edition of the work was reviewed in England, 
a few years after its publication, with, on the wholes kindly 
expressions of approbation, especially in relation to the 
part describing the affairs of the United States, in w r hich, 
says the reviewer, " it displays great industry and research, 
and is peculiarly valuable." But, although, after the usual 

" See the whole '* Notice " on the lost page of Hist. Coll. vol. ix. 
t " Suum quseque in annum referre/' Tacitus. 


278 Memoir of Rev. Abiel Holmes. 

style of British reviewers of American works, until recent- 
ly, the language of the article abounds with sarcasms in 
relation to our countrymen, and ludicrous misrepresenta- 
tions, no reference whatever is made by Dr. Holmes, in 
his second edition of the Annals, to these strains of vitu- 
perative jealousy ; but, with Christian discretion and dig- 
nity, qualities observable in him in all his intercourse, 
public or private, with his fellow-men, he only reciprocates 
the feelings of paternal affection and esteem between the 
literati of the two nations.* 

An edition of this work was published in England, in 
1813, (as is said, for I have not seen a copy,) while the 
two nations were waging an unnatural war. Since that 
period, more of mutual respect has appeared, and far less 
of bitter criticism has dishonored the periodical literature 
of the mother country, in reference to our publications. It 
is to be hoped, the time is not far remote, when every trace 
of it will be obliterated and forgotten. 

In 1829, the new and greatly enlarged edition, improved 
by the insertion of many articles of information, which had 
not before been accessible, f was printed by the author at 
Cambridge, under his own laborious and accurate super- 
vision ; leaving the work as it appears destined to descend 
to our posterity — among whom its value will be enhanced 
by the minuteness with which it points out original docu- 
ments and authorities, to aid the researches of our future 

But great injustice would be done to our venerated 
friend, were he recollected only as an eminent contributor 
to the historical knowledge of his beloved country, high as 
that praise may be regarded. He aimed higher, in being 
an efficient helper with those who were seeking the exten- 
sion and establisment of advantages, religious and moral, 
as well as literary. Hence, about the commencement of 
the present century, he united with a few friends in found- 
ing the " Society for promoting Christian knowledge, of 
which he was the respected President at the time of his 
death, having previously sustained the office of its first 
Secretary. Of the " Board of Commissioners of the Soci- 

* See the concluding paragaaph of Pref. to 2d. ed. 

t From the Ebeling collection in the library of our University, and additions to 
the Athenaeum, &c. See the account in the Preface before cited. 

Memoir of Rev. Abiel Holmes. 279 

ety in Scotland for promoting Christian knowledge," formed 
in 1787, he was Vice-president. In the ''American Edu- 
cation Society, " which enjoys an influence so extensive and 
so salutary, as to have thus far aided nearly three thousand 
young men in the various stages of education, he was from 
the first a Director, and was active in its formation.* He 
was a member of the Boards of Trust of the Theological 
Institution at Andover, of Phillips's Academy in the same 
place, and of the Bible Society of Massachusetts ; beside 
his being a member of the American Academy of Arts 
and Sciences, of the Philosophical Society of Philadelphia, 
and of the American Antiquarian Society, his connection 
with our own Institution, and his sustaining a place, while 
he remained pastor of the first church in Cambridge, in 
the Board of Overseers of the University. 

Considering his habits of scrupulous attention to every 
demand of duty, his punctuality and conscientiousness, it 
seems difficult to find the time for discharging such an 
extent of obligations ; since very few if any of our offices 
or situations are sinecures. 

In addition to the above, and the various publications of 
which a list will be given at the close of this memoir, Dr. 
Holmes delivered in 1817 a series of Lectures, in the 

* I take liberty here to transcribe a part of the notice of Dr. Holmes's death, 
from the Appendix to the last Report of this Society, containing a view of the 
character of our regretted friend, in which, on revisal, my judgment still wholly 
acquiesces. It is extracted from a Sermon, delivered at Cambridge on the Lord's 
day after his decease, founded on Heb. ch. 13, v. 7. " The important character of 
pastor, leader and guide, Dr. Holmes sustained with high respectability, much 
consistency, uniformity and meekness. He was a ruler in the Church of Christ, 
1 not as lording it over God's heritage,' with arbitrary power, but governing by 
persuasive influence, and evangelical gentleness, combined with the constraining 
dignity of a firm adherence to principle. Few pastors, or men, have in my judg- 
ment, combined these two characters more successfully together. Studiously polite 
to all with whom he conversed, and scrupulously attentive to every demand of 
propriety, both in private and public life, he could use consistently, what no bigot 
or zealot can, the memorable language of the apostle — ' we were gentle among 
you as a nurse cherisheth her children ; ' and with equal justice could say, in re- 
gard to any supposable demand, interfering with his sense of sacred duty, from any 
quarter, ' to whom we gave place by subjection, no, not for an hour, that the truth 
of the Gospel might continue with you.' 

" This blending of moderation and modesty with firmness, and decision of char- 
acter, where decision and firmness are needed, constitutes, if I mistake not, an 
enviable, or rather a desirable distinction. Especially in these days of denunciation, 
estrangement, and obloquy, of superficial attainments and loud professions, of head- 
long rashness in enterprise, and boldness and confidence in assertion, we can hardly 
prize too highly, the peaceful, laborious, faithful and humble follower and minister 
of Jesus Christ, who is learned without vanity or dogmatism, pious without cant 
or fitfulness, and charitable without ostentation. And such, if I mistake not was, 
our beloved and lamented friend. Never in extremes, or changeable with extrav- 
agance, his deportment and character united, in no common degree, the gentleman, 
the scholar, and the Christian." 

280 Memoir of Rev Abiel Holmes. 

chapel of the University at Cambridge, on the Ecclesias- 
tical History of his country, especially New England. Often 
did I urge on him, as doubtless did others of his friends, a 
preparation of these Lectures for the public view, in a more 
permanent form. And this he had, indeed, in a very great 
measure effected, by remoulding the Lectures into chap- 
ters, and making other alterations with special reference 
to the object. But they still remain in manuscript, although 
I cannot doubt that their appearance, were it found prac- 
ticable and expedient, would be gratifying and profitable 
to a large portion of the community. 

Of his first marriage, no children were left. He had 
four of the second marriage, three of whom, with their 
respected mother, daughter of the late Hon. Oliver 
Wendell, Esq., survive him. 

Dr. Holmes died at Cambridge, in Christian peace and 
hope, June 4th, 1837. The following is a list of his pub- 
lications, arranged in order of time. 

1787. Proceedings of Council at ordination of Rev. Abiel 
Holmes, at Midway, Georgia, with the pastoral 

1795. National Thanksgiving Sermon, Feb. 19. 

1798. Life of President'Stiles, 8vo. 

1799. Sermon at ordination of Rev. Jonathan Whitaker, 

" National Fast Sermon, April 25th, delivered at 
Boston and Cambridge. 
Sermon on the death of His Excellency, Increase 

1800. Dec. 29th, Sermon on the death of Washington. 

" Feb. 22d, Sermon recommending the counsel of 

1801. Jan. 4th, Century Sermon, giving the history of 

Cambridge. This was published also in the 7th 
volume of our Collections. 
" Sermon at the ordination of Rev. Otis Lane, Stur- 

1803. Sermon at ordination of Rev. David Kendall, 


1804. Memoir of Stephen Parmenius of Buda, with his 

latin poem translated ; also, Memoir of the 

Memoir of Rev. Abiel Holmes. 281 

Moheagan Indians ; both published in vol. 9th of 
Hist. Coll. 

" Sermon before the Massachusetts Missionary Soci- 
ety, May 29. 

" Sermon on the death of Rev. President Willard. 

1805. American Annals, 2 vols. 8vo. 

" Sermon at Ordination of Rev. W. Bascom, Fitch- 

1806. Dec. 22d, Sermon at Plymouth, anniversary of 

landing of forefathers. 

1807. Sermon at funeral of Rev. Dr. Tappan. 

1808. Nov. 3d, Discourse before the Society for propa- 

gating the Gospel among Indians and others in 
North America. 

1809. Apr. 6th, Fast Sermon. 

" Dec. 25th, Christmas Sermon, at Cambridge. 

1810. Sermon on the validity of Presbyterian ordina- 

tion, at the Dudleian Lecture, in the University, 
May 9. 

1811. Sermon at ordination of Rev. John Bartlett, Mar- 

11812. Sermon at inauguration of Rev. E. Pearson, LL.D. 
Professor of Sacred Rhetoric in the Theological 
Seminary, Andover. 

L3. Jan. 1st, Discourse at Boston, before the Society 
for Foreign Missions. 

' July 5th, Address before the Washington Benevo- 
lent Society at Cambridge. 

L4. Jan. 19th, Sermon at ordination of Rev. J. B. 
Gannett, Cambridgeport. 

1 Biographical Memoir of Rev. John Lothrop, in 
Hist. Coll. vol. i, 2d series. 

6 October 24th, Address before the American Anti- 
quarian Society, Boston. 
815. Historical sketch of the English Translations of the 

818. Sept. 17th, Discourse on opening the new Alms- 
house at Cambridge. 

819. Sermon before the Massachusetts Convention of 
Congregational Ministers. 

820. Dec. 24th, Two discourses at Cambridge on the 
completion of the second century from the land- 

282 Old American Coins. 

ing of the Forefathers at Plymouth. Printed, 
1822. Sermon at funeral of Rev. Dr. Osgood, Medford. 

1825. Sermon at ordination of Rev. Hosea Hildreth, 


1826. Memoir of the French Protestants who settled in 

Oxford, Mass. in 1686, &c. Printed also in 
vol. ii, 3d Series, Hist. Coll. 1830. 
1829. Annals of America, from the Discovery by Colum- 
bus in 1492, to the year 1826 ; 2d (American) 
ed. 2 vols. 8vo. 


[The following account of some American coins, issued before the establishment 
of the present government, by some of the States, was furnished by Doctor James 
Mease, of Philadelphia] . 

No. 1. This coin is larger than a half cent. On one side it has thir- 
teen ribs or bars which run parallel to, and are equi-distant from each 
other. On the other side are the letters U. S. A. the S. being of larger 
size, running across the other two letters. It has no date nor any other 

No. 2. On one side a head surrounded by " Georgius. Dei. Gratia. 
Rex." On the other side is a rose and the following inscription, " Rosa. 
Americana. Utile. Dulci. 1722. 

No. 3. On one side a chain of thirteen circular links running around 
the face of the coin. In the centre a circle, having upon it the words 
"We are one," and around these words, "United States." On the 
other side there is a sun at meridian height, looking down upon a dial, 
beneath which appear these words, " Mind your business." The word 
" Fugio," and the date 1787 also appear on the same side of the coin. 

No. 4. On one side the American Eagle, having on its breast a shield, 
with the word Cent upon it. Around the face of the Coin is " Massa- 
chusetts 1788." On the other side is an Indian at full length with his 
bow and arrow, and the word Commonwealth. 

No. 5. On one side a sheaf of wheat, and the words " Peace and 
Plenty;" on the other, a full length portrait of Fame blowing her 
trumpet, and these words " For the convenience of the public" 
There is a date upon it, but the third figure is so badly done, as to leave 
a doubt whether it is 1784, or some earlier period. 

Old American Coins. 283 

No. 6. On one side a Sun, with thirteen stars around it, and the words 
" Nova Constellatio ; " on the other, the letters U. S. surrounded by 
a vignette, and the words " Libertas et Justitia 1785." 

No. 7. Is the Jersey Half-penny, having on one side a shield, sur- 
rounded by the words " E. Pluribus unum ; " on the other a Horse's 
head and a plough, with the words "Nova C.-esarea, 1785." 

No. 8. On one side a head and the word " Auctori Connec," on the 
other a female figure very much in the form of a gingerbread child, hold- 
ing what may be an olive branch in one hand, and a bow and arrow in 
the other, with the date below it of 1787. This is the old farthing of 
our boyhood. 

No. 9. Has on one side a head, and the words " Georgius III Rex." 
On the opposite side is a shield cut into quarters, containing respectively 
the coats of arms of England, Scotland, Ireland and Virginia, surmount- 
ed with a crown, and surrounded with " Virginia, 1773." A coin sim- 
ilar to this was a year or two ago dug up in a garden, and with the 
description given of it, there was published the following history. 

The following historical facts are here distinctly referred to. During 
the usurpation of Cromwell, the colony of Virginia refused to acknow- 
ledge his authority, and declared itself independent. Shortly after, 
finding that Cromwell threatened to send a fleet and army to reduce 
Virginia to subjection, and fearing the ability of this feeble state 1o 
withstand this force, she sent over in a small ship, a messenger to 
Charles II., then an exile, at Breda, in Flanders. Charles accepted the 
invitation to come over, and be king of Virginia, and was on the eve of 
embarking, when he was recalled to the throne of England. As soon 
as he was restored to the crown of England, in gratitude for the loyalty 
of Virginia, he caused her coat of arms to be quartered with those of 
England, Scotland, and Ireland, as an independent member of the Em- 
pire. The above coin is clearly confirmatory of these facts. Hence 
the origin of the phrase "Old Dominion," frequently applied to Vir- 

The coin No. 2, resembles very much, one lately found in Charles- 
on, and of which the following account was published in the Charleston 
papers : 

Curious Coin. — The workmen in preparing the foundation of St. 
Phillips Church, have found a Coin, the age of which is now 113 years, 
with the head of George the First. The inscription around which is — 
Georgius, D. G. Mag. Bri, Fra. Et. Hib. Rex. On the opposite side is 

Rose — the inscription, Rosa, Americana, 1722. Utile Dulci. It prob- 
ibly is a coin of one of the Old Thirteen Colonies. Another of these 
3oins was found in April, 1835, in digging a garden in Washington ; 
JPensis, bordering on Brook County, Virginia. — J. M. 


Bill of Mortality for the City of Boston. 

General Abstract of the Bill of Mortality for the City of Boston, from 
January I, 1837, to January 1, 1838, agreeably to the Records kept 
at the Health Office. 
















h ^ 














IS § 

















M. F. 

M. F. 

M. F. 


T— 1 

M. F. 





^T 1 










M. K. 

M. F. 

M. F. 

M. F. 

M. F 

M. F. 

M. F. 

M. i 


18 11 

7 8 

8 8 



6 7 

8 6 

9 8 

6 4 

2 1C 

4 t 

1 i 

) 2 





13 12 

4 8 

5 11 


3 2 

7 9 

8 7 

6 7 

5 9 

2 ' 


1 ( 


2 G 




14 16 

6 5 

6 i 

3 2 

3 4 

5 t 

10 5 

11 9 

3 I 

3 : 

4 2 

2 a 





17 12 

12 8 

8 I 

6 2 

2 4 

8 11 

7 4 

7 9 

6 4 

4 3 

2 2 

1 J 

) 3 





19 8 

2 3 

2 12 

6 1 

3 8 

8 13 

9 5 

5 . 

8 5 

3 3 

1 3 

1 4 





7 12 

3 3 

3 ( 

4 1 

2 3 

11 8 

8 7 

5 4 

5 4 


3 3 

2 £ 





20 13 

5 8 

5 5 

4 G 

5 5 

13 10 

10 7 

5 4 

3 2 

2 £ 


1 1 

1 1 




30 29 

17 20 

8 5 


3 8 

13 9 

11 12 

3 7 

2 2 

8 4 


1 1 






22 21 

18 14 

11 C 

4 3 

3 1 

12 12 

8 9 

5 : 

7 3 

4 2 

2 8 






11 12 

7 9 

10 9 

4 1 

3 8 

6 10 

8 6 

6 3 

2 2 

2 i 

1 3 

1 c 






10 10 

8 11 

7 8 

4 5 

3 9 

7 14 

7 8 

7 4 

■2 3 

5 11 

1 3 


J 00 




13 8 

9 9 


1 1 

3 5 

12 7 

7 11 

12 2 

6 3 

2 4 

3 2 

1 2 

) 01 £ 



94 164 

98 106 

79 81 

44 24 

33 61 

108 118 

101 87 

81 65 

55 42 

39 51 

22 '?r, 

12 18 

] 98 £ 



The folloioing are the Diseases, as far as they have been reported to the Health ojjice, 

which have occasioned the Deaths in the City, during the past year. 



Dyspepsy, - - 1 

Jaundice, 1 

Abscess, -_.--.— 


Erysipelas, 6 

Marasmus, - - - 17 

" in the Brain, 


Feebleness at birth, - - 1 

Measles, - 23 

" in the pleura, 


Fever, intermittent, - 3 

Neuralgia, - - 4 

" lumbar, 


" inflammatory, - 31 

Old age, ... 69 

Aneurism, - 


" typhus, - - 62 

Palsy, ... 13 

Angina pectoris, 


" gastric, - - 3 

Rheumatism, - - 3 

Apoplexy, - 


" puerperal, - 1 

Scarlatina, - - - 39 

Asthma, ... 


Gangrene, - - - 1 1 

Scirrhus of the Stomach, 1 

Brain, diseases of, 


Haemorrhage, 3 

Scrofula, - - - 13 

Burns, - 


" from the lungs, 3 

Small-pox, - - - 13 

Cachexy, - •■ 


" from the uterus, 1 

Sorethroat, - - - 10 



Heart, diseases, - - 24 

" ulcerated, 1 

Catarrh, - 


Hernia, - - - 1 

Spine, disease of, - 9 

Child-bed, - 


Hooping cough, - - 19 

Still-born, - - - 100 

Cholera, ... 


Infantile diseases, - 59 

Suicide, - - - 10 



Inflammation, - - 4 

Syphilis, ... 4 

Cholic, ... 


" of the brain, - 23 

Teething, - - -22 



" of the heart, - 2 

Tumor of the brain, - 2 



" of the pericardium, 2 

" of the glands, - 1 

Croup, ... 


" of the larynx, - 3 

" of the ovarium, 1 



" of the lungs, - 114 

" on the lungs, - 1 

Diabetes, ... 


" of the pleura, - 18 

Ulcer, ... 3 

Diarrhoea, ... 


" of the peritoneum, 1 

Uterus, rupture of, - 1 

Diseases unknown, 


" of the stomach, 4 

Worms, .-- 4 

Dropsy, ... 


" of the bowels, 41 

Wounds, 3 

u in the head, - 


" of the liver, - 8 


" in the chest, - 


" of the kidney, - 1 


" in the abdomer 

i, 2 

" of the bladder, - 1 


Drowned, - 


" of the uterus, - 2 




Influenza, - - - 15 

" acute, 


Intoxication, - - 17 




Population in 1835, 78,603 ;— 1837, 80,325. 


[Reference having been made on page 18, to some of the portraits, the Librarian 
believed, that, as the Hall has been much visited for the purpose of seeing them, 
it would be desirable to have a more general account of them ; and therefore fur- 
nishes the following. Some biographical notices are added ; which, though neces- 
sarily very brief, it is hoped are correct as to facts and dates.] 


Christopher Columbus. [" Copy from an original, in the gallery 
of Medicis, at Florence." Presented by Israel Thorndike, Esq.] 

Americus Vespucius. [A fine old painting.'] 

Cortes. [Inscribed, " This picture of Cortes was brought from 
Europe by one of the Huguenot families, that settled in New England 
after the revocation of the Edict of Nantz ; and bequeathed to the 
late Rev. John Foster, D. D., of Brighton. It is presented by his 
Widow, to the Massachusetts Historical Society."] 

When presented, it was so soiled with age, that the lineaments were 
scarcely distinguishable ; but they were restored by the skilful care of 
Col. Henry Sargent, some of the productions of whose pencil, also, 
ornament our walls. 

Sebastian Cabot. [Copied by J. G. Chapman, from a remarkable 
portrait, by Hans Holbein. Presented by the Hon. T, L. Win- 
throp.] The original picture was purchased in England, at a great 
pi ice, by Richard Biddle, Esq., of Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania; and he 
kindly consented to have this copy made for the Historical Society of 
Massachusetts. The expression is that of profound and even painful 
thought ; and in the deeply marked lines, and dark hazle eye, there 
yet linger tokens of the force and ardor of character, of this extraor- 
dinary man. 

The canvas bears this inscription, on the left side : effigies sebas- 
tiani caboti, angli, filii johanis caboti veneti, militis aurati, 

primi inventoris terr.e nov.e sub henrico vii anglic rege. and 

on the right, spes mea in deo. 

For other particulars of the original portrait, see the " Memoir of 
ebastian Cabot," [by Mr. Biddle], Lond. 3831, p. 523-5. 


286 List of Portraits in the Hall of the Society. 


[These fine portraits were most obligingly deposited in our Hall, for the gratifi- 
cation of Visiters, by a descendant of the Family.] 

Mrs. Alice Wensley. [An original portrait ; in the full dress and 
costume of olden time.] 

This lady was the daughter of Edmund Freeman of Plymouth; 
and, with his family, one of the passengers in the May-Flower. In 
1639, she was married to Deacon William Paddy; and, after his 
death, became the wife of Samuel Wensley, Esq. A daughter of hers 
by her last husband, was wife of the Hon. Isaac Winslow, only son 
of Governor Josiah Winslow. 

Governor Edward Winslow. [An original, painted in London in the 
year 1651, when he was agent for the Colony of Plymouth, in England ; 
as was also that of Josiah Winslow, his son, who was with him. They 
have been ascribed to Vandyke, but it is said incorrectly. It is in- 
scribed " A. D. 1651 ; iEtatis sua3 57."] 

Governor Edward Winslow was born at Droitwich, Worcestershire, 
Grea Britain, on the 20th of October, 1595; and came to Plymouth 
with the pilgrims, in the May-Flower, in 1620; was assistant 13 years, 
and Governor in 1632, 1636, and 1644. He died near Jamaica, May 
8th, 1655, aged 61, on his passage from England to the West Indies. 

Governor Josiah Winslow\ The eldest son of Gov. Edward Winslow ; 
born in 1629 ; elected assistant, 1667 ; and Governor from 1673, 
seven years ; — being the first Governor who was a native of New 
England.— He died, at Marshneld, December 18th, 1680, in the 52d 
year of his age. 

He has been styled " the most accomplished man of his day, in 
New England." 

Mrs. Penelope Winslow, wife of Gov. Josiah Winslow. She was the 
daughter of Herbert Pelham, Esq., who was nearly related to the Duke 
of New-Castle. She died in 1703, aged 73. 

General John Winslow. He was son of the Hon. Isaac Winslow, who 
was several years the senior member of the Council of Massachusetts ; 
grandson of Gov. Josiah Winslow; and born in 1701. In 1740, he 
commanded a company in the expedition against Cuba ; and after- 
wards rose to the rank of Major General, in the British service. In 
1755, he was second in command, in the expedition against Nova 
Scotia. The next year, he commanded at Fort William Henry, on 
Lake George. — He died at Hingham in 1774, at the age of 73. 

Doctor Isaac Winslow. [Painted by Johnson.] He was son of Gen. 
John Winslow ; born at Marshneld, April 27th, 1739 ; was a physician 
of eminence ; and died October 3d, 1819, aged 81. 

John Winslow, Esq. Son of Dr. Isaac Winslow ; born July 19th, 
1774 ; became an eminent Lawyer ; and died at Natches, Mississippi, 
August 24th, 1822, where he had gone on account of his health ; 
leaving three sons and three daughters. The two eldest sons, John 
and Pelham, have since deceased ; the youngest, Isaac, resident in 
Boston, is the only survivor in this country, descended from the first 
Governor Winslow ; through whose kindness, these family portraits 

List of Portraits in the Hall of the Society. 287 

are deposited, as also a large round table, and an antique chair of Gov. 
Edward Winslow's, brought from England, in the cabin of the " May- 


John Endicot. [This portrait was copied in 1737, by Smibert, from 
the original painting in 1664. Presented by the Hon. F. C. Gray.] 
He was a native of Dorchester, England, and came to this country 
in 1628, as agent of a company who were establishing a Colony at 
Salem, on a territory purchased of the Plymouth company. In 1641, 
he was elected Deputy Governor ; and, two years after, was placed in 
the chair of Chief Magistrate ; and, with few intermissions, was 
Governor from 1649, till his death, March 15th, 1665, in the 77th 
year of his age. 

John Winthrop. [This portrait was copied by C. Osgood, from an 
original in the Senate Chamber. Presented by the Honorable T. L. 

He arrived, with the first Colonists of Massachusetts, June 12th, 
1630, having a Commission as their Governor. To this office he was 
elected annually, with the exception of six or seven years, till his 
death in 1649, March 26, aged 63. — He kept a Journal of occur- 
rences and transactions in New England, from 1630 to 1649; which 
has been published from the original manuscripts, with notes, by the 
Honorable James Savage, in two volumes, 8vo. 

John Clark. [A large original picture, marked " ^Etatis suse 66. 
Anno 1675." Presented by a descendant, Doctor John Clark 
Howard, of Boston.'] 

He was born in England, Oct. 8th, 1609 ; received a learned edu- 
cation ; was a Physician in London ; married Elizabeth, daughter of 
John Hayes, Esq., of Bedfordshire ; came to New England among 
tne first settlers; was one of the founders of Rhode Island. In 1644, 
he formed a church at Newport, and became its pastor. In 1651, he 
was sent to England with Roger Williams, to promote the interests of 
the Colony ; and remained, as agent for the Colony, till he procured 
the Charter in 1663. After his return, he was elected three years 
successively, Deputy Governor ; and died April 20th, 1676, in the 
67th year of his age. 

Jonathan Belcher. [Inscribed " F. Liopoldt pinxit Anno 1729 : " 
Painted in London, while he was agent of the Province at the British 
Court.] Son of the Honorable Andrew Belcher of Cambridge ; born 
in January, 1681 ; graduated at Harvard College, 1699 ; Member of 
the Council of Massachusetts ; agent of the Province at the British 
Court, 1729 ; Governor of Massachusetts and New Hampshire from 
1730 to 1741 ; and afterwards of New Jersey ; and died August 31st, 
1757, aged 76. 

Thomas Hutchinson, LL.D. [Supposed to be the only original por- 
trait. Presented by Peter Wainwright, Jun., Bsq.] 

Born in Boston, September 9th, 1711 ; graduated at Harvard Col- 
lege, 1727 ; Member of the Council ; sometime Chief Justice of the 
Superior Court; Lieutenant Governor of Massachusetts, from 1750 to 

288 List of Portraits in the Hall of the Society. 

1770; and Governor from that time to 1774. He died in Great 
Britain, June 3d, 1780, aged 69. 

He published a History of Massachusetts, from its first settlement 
until 1750, in 2 volumes, and a volume of Papers relative to its his- 
tory. An additional volume has been published in London, 1828, 
from a manuscript preserved in the family, continuing the History till 
the commencement of the American Revolution. 

John Wentworth. [Presented by Sir John Wentworth.] Born at 
Portsmouth, N. H, in the year 1671 ; was Lieutenant Governor of 
the Province, from 1717 to 1729; and died December 12th, 1730, 
aged 58. 

William Phillips. [An original painting. Presented by Hon, 
Josiah Q,uincy.]. Born April 10th, 1750 ; deacon of the Old South 
Church 23 years ; — for several years, Lieutenant Governor of Massa- 
chusetts ; he died May 26th, 1817, aged 77. An eminent Christian ; 
and an active member of many charitable societies. 

Oliver Wolcott, LL.D., was born at Litchfield in Connecticut, in 
1760, and was the son of Oliver Wolcott, one of the signers of the 
Declaration of Independence. He graduated at Yale College in 1777, 
and joined the force raised to repel Tryon's expedition. He served 
in several subordinate offices, till 1780, when he removed to Hart- 
ford. There he was successively appointed one of the Committee of 
Pay table, Comptroller of Public Accounts, and Commissioner to 
settle the claims with the United States. 

On the establishment of the Federal Constitution, he was appointed 
by PresidentWashington, Auditor of the Treasury of the United States, 
in 1789, Comptroller in 1791, and Secretary of the Treasury in 1795. 
In this office he continued under Mr. Adams, till the close of 1800. 
He was then appointed one of the Circuit Judges under the new Judi- 
ciary act, afterwards repealed. 

On losing this office, he established himself in New York as a 
merchant, and remained in business there, till 1817, when he removed 
to Connecticut, and was shortly after elected Governor. To this 
office he was re-elected, till 1826. In 1828, he again returned to New 
York, and died there in 1833, aged 73 years. 

Thomas Lindall Winthrop, LL.D. [A fine portrait, painted by C. 
Osgood. Presented by several Gentlemen of Boston.] 

Graduate of Harvard College, 1780 ; late Lieutenant Governor of 
Massachusetts ; President of the Massachusetts Historical Society ; 
ana^fifte American Academy of Arts and Sciences ; the Philadel- 
phia Philosophical Society ; of the New York Historical Society ; of 
the Royal Society of Northern Antiquaries at Copenhagen ; of the 
Imperial Academy of Agrarian Economy at Florence ; &c. &c. 


Washington. [Painted at Philadelphia by Wright. Presented by 

Israel Thorndike, Esq.] 
La Fayette, Marquis. [Taken at Paris, for Mr. Jefferson. Presented 

by Mrs. J. W. Davis.] 
Benjamin Lincoln. [Painted by Sargent. Presented by several gen- 

tlemen of Boston. 

List of Portraits in the Hall of the Society. 289 


Jeremiah Dummer. [A large and admirable portrait, by Sir Godfrey 

A native of Boston, and a graduate of Harvard College in 1699, 
and early distinguished himself by extraordinary brilliancy of genius, 
and progress of knowledge. Designing to devote himself to the min- 
istry, he entered the University of Leyden, and obtained the applause 
of the celebrated Lipsius, professor in that seminary. He afterwards 
abandoned the clerical profession, and became a civilian. He went 
to England - , and in 1710, was appointed Agent for Massachusetts, 
and was an able defendant of its charter liberties. He died at 
Plastow, in 1739. 

Peter Fanueil. [Presented by Miss Jones, of Boston.] The founder 
of the Hall which bears his name ; died March 3d, 1743. 

Benjamin Pollard. [Presented by Isaac Winslow. Esq.] Former 
High Sheriff of the County of Suffolk ■ and first' Colonel of the 
Boston Cadets. 

Charles Paxton. [Presented by Peter Wainwright, Esq.] 

John Phillips, LL.D. [Presented by Hon. Josiah Quincy.] Son of 
the Rev. Samuel Phillips of Andover ; born December 27th, 1719; 
graduated at Harvard College in 1735; for several years a member of 
the Council in New Hampshire ; April 21st, 1778, he with his brother 
Samuel Phillips of Andover, endowed the Academy in that town ; and 
in 1789, gave to the Institution twenty thousand dollars. Of the 
Academy of Exeter, he was the sole founder ; and it was incorporated 
in 1781, with a fund of fifteen thousand dollars. He died April, 1795, 
aged 76, bequeathing to this Academy, two thirds of all his estate ; 
and one third of the residue to the Seminary at Andover. 

James Allen. [Painted by Copley ; presented, with the nmt, by the 
Widow of the late James Allen, Esq.] Born in Boston, July 24th, 
1739. He left Harvard College, after a residence of three years, to 
devote himself exclusively to polite literature. He was the author of 
several poems of much celebrity ; and died in 1808, in bis 70th year. 

Feremiah Allen, Esq. [Painted by Stewart.] High Sheriff of the 
County of Suffolk. 

Fohn Davis, LL.D. [Painted by Cole. Presented by Hon. T. L. 
Winthrop.] Judge of the United States District Court of Massa- 
chusetts. Late President of the Massachusetts Historical Society ; 
Member of the American Academy of Arts and Sciences; and of 
several other learned Societies. 


ohn Wilson. [A fine original portrait. Presented by Henry 
Bromfield, Esq.] First Minister of Boston ; to which he came with 
Governor Winthrop in 1630. He died August 7th, 1667, aged 78. 

oiin Bailey. [Presented by his great grandson, Mr. Nathaniel 
Willis, of Boston.] He was born in Lancashire, Great Britain, 
Feb. 24th, 1644 ; was Minister at Limerick, in Ireland ; came to New 
England about 1683 ; was settled at Watertown, October 6th, 1686 ; 

290 List of Portraits in the Hall of the Society. 

removed to Boston, 1692, and became assistant Minister with Rev. 
Mr. Allen of the first Church ■ and died December 12th, 1697, in 
his 54th year. 

Increase Mather, D. D. [^1 very old painting. Presented by Mr. 
John Dugan.] Minister of the North Church in Boston ; and Presi- 
dent of Harvard College. He died August 23d, 1723, aged 85. 

Samuel Phillips. [ . . . Presented by Hon. Josiah Quincy.] 
He was Minister of the South parish in Andover; and died June 5th, 
1711, in the 82d year of his age. 

William Welstead. Minister of the New Brick Church, Boston ; 
died April 20th, 1753, aged 53. 

George Berkley, D. D. [Painted by Smibert, on his passage to 
Newport, Rhode Island. Presented by Thomas Whetmore, Esq. of 
Boston.] He was born March 12th, 1684, at Kilcrin in Kilkenny, 
Ireland ; educated at Trinity College, Dublin ; was Dean of Derry, 
and afterwards Bishop of Cloyne ; came to Newport, R. I., in 1729, 
on his way to establish a College in one of the Islands of Bermuda ; 
resided there two yerrs and a half, when he returned. He was a dis- 
tinguished benefacto • to Yale College, and died at Oxford, Great 
Britain, January 14th, 1753, being nearly 69 years of age. 

Thomas Prince. [Presented by the Hon. Jonathan Phillips.] 

He was a native of Middleborough, and graduated at Harvard Col- 
lege, in 1707. After studying theology, he visited England, and 
preached at Coombs, where he was invited to settle ; but he preferred to 
return to America. He returned to Boston in 1717, having been absent 
about seven years; and was ordained Pastor of the Old South Church, 
October 1st, 1718, and labored there, with great popularity and use- 
fulness,' till his death, October 22d, 1758. He published a valuable 
Chronological History of New England ; and made large collections 
for a civil and religious history of it, in manuscripts and books. These 
were kept in an apartment of the tower of the Old South Church, 
and called " The New England Library." The manuscripts were 
principally destroyed by the British, at the early period of the Revo- 
lutionary war, and several of the books were taken away ; part of 
those that remained, are now deposited in the library of the Historical 

Charles Chauncy, D. D. [ Presented by Joseph 

Woodward, Esq.] He was born at Boston, January 1st, 1706; 
graduated at Harvard College in 1721 ; and ordained Pastor of the 
First Church in Boston, in 1727, where he labored till his death, in 
1787, in the 83d year of his age. He was eminent for his talents, 
learning, and love of liberty, civil and religious. 

Samuel Cooper, D. D. [Painted by Copley. Presented by Rev. 
Chandler Robbins.] Born at Boston, Massachusetts, March 28th, 
1725 ; graduated at Harvard College, in 1743; and in 1746, ordained 
pastor of the Brattle Street Church. After an unusually popular 
ministry of near 37 years, he died December 29th, 1783, in the 59th 
year of his age. 

John Clarke, D. D. [Original portrait, painted and presented by 
Col. Henry Sargent.] Born at Portsmouth, N. H., April 13th, 
1755; graduated at Harvard College in 1774 ; ordained pastor of the 
first Church in Boston, as colleague with the Rev. Dr. Chauncy, July 

List of Portraits in the Hall of the Society. 291 

8th, 1788 ; and deceased April 1st, 1798. [See more in the Historical 
Collections, Vol. VI, 1—9.] 
Jeremy Belknap, D. D. [Painted by Sargent. Presented by several 
members of the Society.'] Bom at Boston, June 4th, 1744; graduated 
at Harvard College, 1762 ; ordained pastor of the Church in Dover, 
N. H., February 18th, 1767 ; installed in the Presbyterian Church in 
Boston, April 4th, 1787 ; and deceased June 20th, 1798, aged 54. 

Besides the publication of several sermons and religious tracts, he 
was the author of "the History of New Hampshire," in 3 volumes ; 
of the " American Biography " in two volumes; and of" a discourse 
before the Massachusetts Historical Society," of which he was the 
founder, " on the completion of the third century, from Columbus' 
discovery of America." [For a biographical memoir,. See Collections 
of the Historical Society, Vol. VI, p. 10—18. 


Ann Pollard. [Presented by Isaac Winslow, Esq.] Wife of Wil- 
liam Pollard, of Boston. She deceased December 6th, 1725, aged 
105 years. This portrait was taken, when she was 103 years old. — 
" She left of her offspring 130." She used to relate that she went 
over in the first boat that crossed Charles river, in 1630, to what has 
since been called Boston ; that she was the first that jumped ashore, 
and she described the place as being at that time, " very uneven, 
abounding in small hollows and swamps, and covered with blueberry 
and other bushes." 

Mrs. Mary Davis. [Presented by the Rev. Dr. Bentley of Salem.] 
On the back of this painting is the following record, but without 
dates ; and it is all that we have been able to find respecting this old 

" Mrs. Mary Davis, aged 117. — She had three husbands, by whom 
she had nine children. She had fifteen grand-children ; 215 great- 
grand children ; 800 great grand children's children. At 104 years, 
she could do a good day's work at shelling corn; at 110 she sat at 
her spinning wheel. She was driven from the eastward (Maine), 40 


The thanks of the Massachusetts Historical Society are presented for 
the following donations. 

T. M. HARRIS, Librarian. 

List of Donations, from July 27th, 1837, to July 27th, 1838. 

Report on the ^Meology of Maine, by Dr. C. T. Jackson, 8vo, 
Augusta, 1837. Presented by Hon. T. L. Winthrop. 

Compend of Moral Philosophy, by Rev. Charles Morton, in Manu- 
script. Hon. John Pickering. 

Eulogy on James Madison, Boston, 1836; and oration on the life and 
character of La Fayette. 8vo, Washington, 1835 ; by Hon. J. Q,. 
Adams. The Author. 

Report of the Royal Society of Northern Antiquaries at Copenhagen, 
and their printed Letter. 8vo, 1836. Professor Rafn. 

Annual Report of the American Education Society, for May, 1837. 

Rev. Dr. Cogswell. 

Documents of the First Session of the 23d Congress ; 18 volumes. 
A. O. Dayton, Esq., Secretary of State. 

Letter to Major G. Mackay, from T. Walley, John Joy, and H. Hill ; 
June 17th, 1769, (Manuscript). Mr. Joseph J. Couthoy. 

Profile of Mr. Thomas Wallcut. 

His Nephew, the Rev. R. F. Walcutt. 

Journal of Essex County Natural History Society. 

lchabod Tucker, Esq. 

American Quarterly Register, for August. Rev. Dr. Cogswell. 

J. W. Toomer's Oration at the first Centennial of the South Carolina 
Society ; March 28th, 1837. The Society. 

Collections of the New Hampshire Historical Society, vol. 5. 

The Society. 

Acts of the 61st General Assembly of New Jersey. The State. 

North American Review for July, 1837. Rev. Dr. Palfrey. 

Parchment Commission from George II, to Benning Wentworth, as 
Governor of New Hampshire. Hon. John Pickering. 

Sir Grenville Temple's Travels in Greece and Turkey. 2 vols. 12mo, 

1836. Hon. T. L. Winthrop. 
History of Rehoboth, by L. Bliss, Jun. 8vo, Boston, 1836. 

The Author. 
Gazetteer of the United States, by J. E. Worcester. Andover, 1818, 
8vo. The Author. 

Pulaski vindicated, by Col. Paul Bentalon. Baltimore, 1824, 8vo. 

The Author. 
Catalogue of the Library of the Antiquarian Society, Worcester, 

1837, 8vo. The Society. 

Acknowledgment of Donations. -293 

Inaugural Discourse, by Rev. Jasper Adams, Geneva, N. Y., 1827, 
and Elements of Moral Philosophy, Cambridge, 1837. The Author. 

Dr. Beck's Eulogium on Simeon de Wett, Albany, 1835, 8vo. Barn- 
ard's Address before the Albany Institute, Albany 1836; Catalogue of 
Amherst College, 1836. Dr. Jacob Porter. 

Address before the American Historical Society, by Hon. Levi Wood- 
bury. Washington, 1837. The Author. 

List of persons, copartnerships, and corporations taxed in Boston, 
1836. A volume of rare tracts, relating principally to Major General 
Ludlow. , 1691—1696, 4to. I. P. Davis, Esq. 

A box of papers, relating principally to Indian affairs, preserved in 
the family of Col. Israel Williams, at Hatfield. 

John Williams, Esq. of Conway. 

Rev. John Cotton's Exposition of the 13th Chapter of Revelations. 
London, 1635, 4to. J. F. Fisher, Esq., of Philadelphia. 

Four tracts, in the Chickasaw, Choctaw, Muskokee, and Osage lan- 
guage. Utica, 1831. William Gibbs, Esq. 

North American Review, for Oct. 1837. Professor Palfrey. 

History of Kennebunk Port, 1837. Captain Charles Bradbury. 

Twenty numbers of the Political state of Great Britain. 1716 — 1732. 

Mr. S. G. Drake. 

Documents of the 2d Session of the 24th Congress. (12 Volumes). 

J. Forsyth, Secretary of State. 

A volume of curious tracts. 1670 — 1742. 12mo. 

Rev. R. F. Wallcutt. 

A file of the Rhode Island Republican, [containing a series of com- 
munications, relative to the History of Rhode Island ; written by Bull, 
Esq., descendant of Gov. Bull.] 56 Numbers. /. P. Davis, Esq. 

Sermon at the ordination of Rev. John Parkman in Greenfield, Oct. 
11th, 1837, by Rev. Francis Parkman, D. D. The Author. 

Discourse on the evidence that the American Indians are descendants 
3f the lost tribes of Israel. By M. M. Noah. The Author. 

Dr. George Hayward on diseases of the knee joint, 1837. Rev. H. 
Coleman's sermon on the times, 1837. George A. Stevens's Address to 
:he Juvenile Houses' Association for the suppression of prophanity, 1837. 
Etev. G. Whitney's sermon on the moral and religious uses of Mechan- 
cal exhibitions. Annual Report of the blind Asylum, 1837. J. D. 
jreen's address before the Boston Phrenological Society. Annual Re- 
port of the Seaman's Aid Society. Rev. Alexander Young. 

Ten, various Addresses and Reports. Lemuel Shattuck, Esq. 

American Almanac for 1838. J. E. Worcester. 

History of Massachusetts, from July, 1775, to 1789 inclusive. By 
\lden Bradford, Esq , Boston, 1825, 8vo. History of Massachusetts for 
500 years. [From 1620 to 1820. By Alden Bradford, Boston, 1835. 

The Author. 

American Quarterly Register for November, 1837. 

Rev. Dr. Cogswell. ' 

History of Boston, by Caleb H. Snow, Boston. 1835. 

Hon. T. L. Winthrop. 

Historical causes and effects. By William Sullivan, Esq., Boston, 
837. The Author. 

Address to the Massachusetts Horticultural Society, on the 9th Anrti- 
ersary, by Hon. William Lincoln, Esq., 1837. The Author. 


294 Acknowledgment of Donations. 

First exhibition and fair of the Massachusetts Charitable Mechanic 
Association ; with Governor Everett's Address, 1837. Gov. Everett. 

Opinions on speculative Masonry, by James C. Odiorne. Boston, 1830. 

The Author. 

Documents of the first Session of the 25th Congress. (4 Volumes). 

J. Forsyth, Secretary of State. 

Dudleian Lecture Sermon. May 14th, 1834, by Rev. Alvan Lamson. 

The Author. 

Rev. Mr. Lunt's Christmas discourse, 1837. Rev. J. Pierpont's dis- 
course at the Hollis Street Church, Dec. 3d, 1837. Rev. W. G. Eliot's 
discourse at the dedication of the First Congregational Church, at St. 
Louis. Tribute to the memory of Rev. Noah Worcester, D. D., by 
Rev. W. E. Charming. Sermon at the Ordination of Rev. J. F. Sar- 
gent, by Rev. W. P. Greenwood, 1837. Rev. Alexander Young. 

History of Ferdinand and Isabella, by W. H. Prescott. Boston, 1838. 
8vo. 3 vols. The Author. 

Reports of the Engineers of the Western Railroad Corporation, 1838. 

Josiah Quincy, Jr. 

Twelfth Annual Report of the Prison Discipline Society, 1837. Con- 
siderations on the Eastern diocese, 1837. Rev. Alexander Young. 

Refutation of the pretended claim of William Vans. Boston, 1837, 
2 vols. 8vo. Dorchester Controversy : a collection of papers. Boston, 
1812. Visit to England, by Rev. John Codman. Boston, 1836, 12mo. 

Rev. Dr. Codman. 

Report of a Committee appointed to continue Meteorological observa- 
tions on the 21st of March, June, September and December, 1836, and 
1837. Doctor Jacob Porter. 

Governor Belcher's letter book for the years 1747, 1748, fol. 

American Antiquarian Society. 

Military papers of Col. Moses Greenleaf, during service in the Ameri- 
can Revolution. His son. Simon Greenleaf, Esq. 

Fac simile of the Declaration of Independence, on a large sheet. 

Lieutenant Hood. 

Gov. Hutchinson's Collection of papers relating to the History of the 
Massachusetts Bay. 8vo. Boston, 1769. Alden Bradford, Esq. 

North American Review for January, 1838. Professor Palfrey. 

American Quarterly Register, Vol. x, No. 2. February, 1838. 

Doctor Cogswell. 

History and proceedings of the House of Lords, from the Restoration 
in 1660, to the end of 1740, [eight volumes 8vo), and of the House of 
Commons, to 1760, [nineteen volumes). Jlon. T. L. Winthrop. 

Sermon on the close of a Century since the erection of the Episcopal 
Church in Newburyport, by Rev. James Morss. 8vo. 1758. 

EdwarcVS. Rand, Esq. 

Address before the Norfolk bar, Feb. 23d, 1837, by James Richard- 
son, Esq. Joseph Willard, Esq. 

American Quarterly Register, for February, 1838. 

Rev. W. Cogswell. 

Sermons on the mystery of godliness, by Rev. John Barnard, Boston, 
1730. The Sham Patriot unmasked, 1806; Discourse before the Hu- 
mane Society, 1787, by Rev. Dr. J. Lathrop. Burgesdicius' Logic, 
1680, and Shepard's Sound Believer, 1742. Rev. Mr. Sibley. 

Whitehall's Behemoth arraigned, in answer to Hobbes. London, 

Acknoivledgment of Donations. 295 

1600. Manuscript Sermons, by Rev. Mr. Phillips, of South Andover. 
Manuscript Sermons (writer unknown), and a Sermon on these bad 
times, 1837. Rev. S. J. May, Scituate. 

Dissertation on the Chinese system of writing, by J. S. Du Ponceau. 
Philadelphia, 1838, 8vo. American Philosophical Society. 

Governor Belcher's letter book (to complete a set). 1750 — 1752, 
folio. N. G. Snelling, Esq. 

Columbian Centinel, 1834, 1835. Boston Daily Advertiser, 1836, 
1837, 2 volumes ; Daily Advertiser and Patriot, 1836 ; and Daily Cen- 
tinel and Gazette, 1836, 1737, (half-bound). Hon. T. L. Winthrop. 

Discourse occasioned by burning the effigy of the Stamp-men in New 
London, Connecticut, 1765. /. P. Davis, Esq. 

History of the Colony of New Haven, by Edward R. Lambert, 1838. 

The Author. 

History and antiquities of New Haven. By J. W. Barber, 1831. 

The Author. 

Discourse on the life and character of N. Bowditch, LL.D., by Rev. 
Alexander Young, 1838. The Author. 

Large Map of Maine, by Moses Greenleaf, Esq., 1815, (colored to 
indicate the source of titles, grants, &c. and the progress of settlement. 
Plan of the town of Portland, as originally granted to the settlers; and 
Catalogue d'ouvrages sur PHistoire de l'Amerique, et en particuluier sur 
celle du Canada : par J. B. Fairbault. duebec, 1837. 

Simon Greenleaf, Esq. 

Sermon on the death of Joseph Bradlee, Esq., by Rev. N. L. Froth- 
ingham, 1838. Rev. Alexander Young. 

North American Review, for April, 1838. Professor Palfrey. 

Address at Concord, N. H., before the Female Anti-Slavery Society, 
Dec. 25th, 1837, by Nathaniel P. Rogers; with the 3d Annual Report, 
by Mary Clark. Miss Mary Clark. 

Legislative documents of the Massachusetts General Court, during 
the Session of 1838. Legislature of Massachusetts. 

American Archives, fourth Series, Vol, 1. Washington, D. C, 1837, 
folio. Peter Force, Esq. 

Narrative of the shipwreck of Horace Holden, in 1832, on one of the 
Pelew Islands, 12mo, Boston, 1838. Hon. John Pickering. 

Thirty Pamphlets, principally relating to Boston. 

Lemuel Shattuck, Esq. 

Collections of the Rhode Island Historical Society, vol. 4th, 1838. 

Dr. T. H. Webb. 

Two Sermons preached at Grafton, Nov. 15th, 1772 ; being the last 
delivered in public there, by Rev. Aaron Hutchinson, their Pastor. 
Boston, 1773. William Brigham, Esq. 

Sermons by the Rev. John Disney, D.D. vol. 3d and 4th, London, 
1816. Outlines of a penal code, by John Disney, Esq., London, 1826. 
\nd an original blank Stamp-Act paper. Original letters, to and from 
Thomas Hollis, Esq. John Disney, Esq., of London. 

Eulogium, delivered at the reinterment of the remains of Christopher 

olumbus, on the 13th of January, 1796; by Don Joseph Augustin 
abellero, in the Cathedral Church at the Havana, Cuba. [The 
>rigirial copy from which the Address was delivered, in the beautiful 
landwriting of the Orator.] George Knight, Esq. 

Bonner's Plan of Boston, 1722. Captain Cyprian Southack's Charts 

296 Emendata, fyc. 

of the North East coasts and West Indies, with copies of letters to Earl 
Bellaraont £ni others, 1696-7 to 1700. Cantemir (Prince), History of 
the Ottoman Empire, translated by Tindal. fol. Lond. 1734. [College. 
Leo Modena's History of Africa, translated by Pory, fol. Lond. 1600. 
Hanvvay's History of the British trade over the Caspian Sea, 4to, 3 
Vols. Lond. 1753. Boyle's Usefulness of Experimental Philosophy. 4to, 
Oxford, 1663. Gervase Markham's treatises on Husbandry, &,c, &-c. 
4to. Lond. 1631. Cowell's Interpreter of Law Terms and Words, 4to. 
Camb. 1607. Bishop Wilkins' Life and Works. 2 vols. 8vo. Lond. 
1802. Spectacle of Nature. 8vo. Vol. 2d. Lond. 1737. Quesnell's 
Reflections on the New Testament, translated. 8vo. 6 vols. 1719. 
Polygraphic Dictionary. 8vo. Lond. 1735. 2 vols. Oldmixon's British 
Empire. 8vo. 2 vols. Lond. 1741. Ethan Allen's Oracles of reason. 
8vo. 1784. Brookes' s Gazetteer. 8vo. 12th ed. Montrose, 1805. 
De La Pallue's Idee du Monde. 12mo. 3 vols. 1787. 

Family of the late William Taylor. 


[The following emendations and additions were presented in relation to our volumes 
by Alden Bradford Esq L. L. D , one of the earliest members of this Society, 
and whose Historical researches and publications justly make his statements and 
corrections highly important ] 

Boston, October 24th, 1836. 
In some late researches which I have been making, I had frequent 
occasion to consult the volumes of the Historical Collections. And 
I have found much valuable information, relating to the early his- 
tory of New England, and especially of Massachusetts. But some 
mistakes and errors, perhaps typographical in part, were detected ; which, 
as these volumes will probably be quoted hereafter, as authority, in 
deciding questions in chronology and biography, I have thought it im- 
portant to notice. I am aware they are not very material, and some of 
them may be considered nugce; yet as accuracy in all such cases, is 
desirable with the antiquarian, I offer some corrections ; which the Soci- 
ety will make such use or disposition of as they may deem proper. 
With great respect &c. 

Alden Bradford. 

The Secretary of the Massachusetts Historical Society. 

Volume I, First Series, page 204, Shone should be Shove: perhaps 
an error of the press. Mr. Shove was minister of Taunton ; at the date 
of the account, Sept. 1674. In page 192 of Vol. ix. he is called Shore ; 
which may also be an error of the press. Page 251 of Vol I. for 1616, 
it should be 1716. Vol. II. page 43, for August 14th, in margin, it 
should be June 30th. Vol. III. page 242, Johnson began to build on 
Boston side in September, not November : for he died September 30th. 
Same page Dudley was probably not among the first settlers of Boston. 

Emendata, fyc. 297 

*His early abode, next after Charlestown, seems to have been the New 
Town. Page 15, same Vol. it should be *Mi39, not 1739 ; and arrows instead 
of errors, page 28. Reayne, no doubt should be Keayne : see pages 47 
and 48 of same Vol. Page 36 of III Vol. it should probably be Oldham, 
not Culdom. Page 45, should read, great injury both to you, &c. Page 
46, I presume Alldcn means Robert, and not John, see 48th page. 
Same page, 48, Thorned should probably be Thornel, or Thornhill. * 
Page 108, the date should be 1748, not 1784, 

Vol. V. 216 page, 1634 must be an error — no doubt it should be 1636. 
Vol. VII, 268 page, 1608 has generally been given for the events, in- 
stead of 1610, as it is here given. Vol. VIII, Plymouth had not a charter 
from the king, though often promised, and once ordered to be made out. 

Vol. IX, page 18, for Grove, I think it should be Graves. Same page, 
Dorchester is said to be the first church. Not only was Plymouth before 
it, but Salem also. Perhaps it is proper to place Dorchester next after 
Salem : for it was formed in March, in England ; and the Dorchester 
people arrived last of May. Page 19 ; the church gathered in Charles- 
town was not, strictly speaking, divided till 1632, after Mr. James came, 
when it was made a distinct church : but the majority being on the 
Boston side, as early as November, the meetings for religious worship 
were held on that side for the inhabitants in both places. Vol. IX, 21, 
desired, instead of denied. Page 41, 1684, should be 1584. Page 20, 
it may be proper to notice that Roger Williams was not of the company 
of 1630, nor was he invited into the Colony. Page 149, Shaumut was 
settled in September ; and in November was more populous or wealthy 
than Charlestown, as appears by the tax. Page 75, 8th line from the 
bottom, read 1671 and 176, 12th line from the top read 70. Page 179, 
it is believed that 1647 should be 1655. Cotton Mather says about 1655, 
seventeen scholars left the College because they were compelled to lose 
a great part of a year ; but many of them became useful in the church 
and commonwealth. Brimsmead and Robinson were among these. And 
1660, should be 1666 — Mr. Brimsmead was preaching in Plymouth about 
1660. Page 183, Mr. Robinson was about thirty-five years minister in 
Duxbury ; he was settled in 1702, and removed to Lebanon, Connect- 
icut, in 1737-8, where he resided several years before he died. Mr. 
Wiswall was minister of Duxbury about twenty-five or six years, having 
been settled there not before 1676. Mr Holmes, his predecessor died in 
December, 1675. Page 199, not Nantasket, but Narragansett. 

Vol. X, 2, not Broom, but Brown, elder in the church of Watertown 
— error of press no doubt. Page 8, line 4, taught* for thought. Page 
17, it should be 1635, not 1685. Page 25, Matthews was also charged 
with heresy, and imprudent speeches by some of the Maiden church ; 
for which they complained of him to the magistrates. It was merely a 
censure on the church for not hrst consulting the magistrates before in- 
viting him. Page 32, Providence, not prophecies. Page 34, 1804, not 
1604, dire not due. Page 28, 1656, not 1636. 

Vol. X, 168, there is quite a blunder, though the statement was made 
by Dr. Chauncey. Peter Bulkley, who was graduated in 1660, was an 
eminent statesman, and a son of Rev. Peter Bulkley, first minister of 
Concord, the author of a volume with title of Gospel Convenant. Page 
173, it should be 1637-8. The true time was March, 1638. Page 206, 

* The errors thus * marked do not exist in the second edition, 1810 ^d. 

298 . „ Emendata, §*c. 

Chronological table, Williams was banished from Massachusetts Juris- 
diction December, 1635 ; and went to Providence the Spring following. 

Vol. I, 2d Series, page 1 ; Leonard Hoar died in 1675. Page 29, 
the gift of £ 1 000 to the Colony was by Dr. Wilson, a brother of Rev. Mr. 
Wilson of Boston. 

Vol. II, 94. Would it not be more correct to place Watertown church 
in June, when the covenant was adopted, according to Cotton Mather? 
Johnson makes it the ?th, but it was as early as Boston, formed first in 
Charlestown. Page 91 , Boston church should date from 1630, as already 
observed, and Charlestown in 1632. Page 106. Randall is probably a 
mistake for Randolph. Page 107, near the bottom, 1636, not 1630. 
Page 1Q4, 1629 should be 1630. Page 81, and 83. Is not 198, for the 
number of ships in the first twelve or thirteen years, more correct than 
298 ? Some of the ships brought 120, and some even a greater number ; 
298 would give nearly 30,000 or quite ; but the number in that time was 
about 20, or 21,000. Let it be remembered also, that of the seventeen 
ships said to have brought passengers in 1630, one of them, the Hand- 
maid, came by way of Plymouth, and brought passengers to that place, 
and therefore probably, did not bring a great number for the Bay ; and 
one left England in February, probably, not with many passengers. As 
there are two numbers mentioned, that which is the most probable should 
be preferred. And some of the larger ships had 200 passengers. 

Vol. Ill, page 123; the date should be 1630. Page 147, not cold, 
nor gold, but could. Page 151, not forest, but fort. 

Vol. VI, 42d page, for 30,000, I suggest 3000, as more probable. 
Page 157, Norris, not Morris. Vol. V, 68 page. Mr. Cushman had 
probably hired the vessel — he was not the captain. Page 99, Monamoy, 
(Chatham) not Merrimack. Page 115, not designs, but diseases prob- 
ably. Page 260, crowns, not drowns. Page 335, R. Williams did not go 
to Providence to settle till Spring, 1636. He went first only to Paw- 
tu<?ket. Page 429, Winslow, not Winthrop. 

Vol. VII, 1 and 11th page. Should it not be Fiske, and neither Fish, 
nor Friske? Page 28, Mr. Wilson was first settled in Dorchester and 
then in Medfield. 

Vol. VIII, 101 page. Mr. L. probably was Gov. Leverett ; from what 
is said in one or two preceeding paragraphs. Gov. Dudley died in 1665. 
This could not be Joseph, just then left College, and Thomas, only 
twelve years before, was not probably the person intended. It could not 
be Thomas Danforth, Deputy Lt. Governor, for he was then at the head 
of the Whig party, and much opposed to the commissioners of Charles 
II, and to an extensive exercise of the royal prerogative. Was it Rich- 
ard Dummer of Newbury ? He was sometime one of the magistrates, 
and as late as this period. Page 100, Mr. E. might be Rev. Mr. Eliot; 
for several of the clergy attended this meeting ; and Mr Eliot was some- 
times a politician. 

Vol. IX, page 9, it is probably Sagadahoc and Monhegin near its 
mouth, are here intended. Page 37, by Auguam, Agawam is meant 
probably. Page 28, R. G. perhaps was Richard Greene, mentioned 
page 82 of same volume, who had the charge and oversight of Weston's 
plantation at Wassaguscus. It is probable he was a man of some note 
and observation. 

Vol. X, 2d Series, Chronological Table. The first date is an error, 
founded in a mistake of Vol. V, page, 8, near the bottom. It was not the 

Emendata, #-c. 299 

Cabots, but Columbus who discovered Cuba, Hispaniola, &,c. in 1492. 
The MS. no doubt read thus — In 1497, he (Sebastian Cabot) with his 
father John Cabot, sent out by commission of Henry VII, ranged a great 
part of this unknown region, or coast, and (in some years following ; a 
mistake for it was the same year as above,) discovered many places from 
40th degree of South to 67th of North latitude ; whereas, Columbus 
contenting himself with the riches of Cuba, Hispaniola and other Islands 
which he fortunately fell upon in the year 1492. But he did not discover 
the main land till 1493, a whole year after Sebastian Cabot had been 
upon the continent — Whether there is a mistake in Hubbard, when he 
says, from 40th degree of South to 67th of North ; or whether it was 
only meant from North latitude 67 to the South, to 40th degree, I shall 
not attempt to decide. 

Page 270, General Index. John Doane was not a printer; nor does 
Prince authorize the assertion. He says — that the printer of Morton's 
Memorial probably, called Doane, Dove by mistake. See Vol. VII, 83 
of Prince's Annals. Page 307, General Index. It is a mistake, that 
the Countess of Lincoln ever intended to come to Plymouth, (so far as 
known), see Vol. V, 47. Hubbard says only, that Mr. Wincob, (who 
was of the family of the Countess of Lincoln) at first intended to go 
with the Leyden people. 

Page 342. Pessacus was not a Sachem of Massachusetts, but of Nar- 
ragansett, see Vol. VI, 452d page. 

Vol. VII, page 41. The punctuation is such as to lead any one not 
acquainted with the history of the churches and pastors, in early times, 
into great mistakes. It would be more intelligible if it read thus, (as no 
doubt it was meant to be) — " Among whom were the Rev. Elders of Bos- 
ton, Mr. Cotton and Mr. Wilson ; Mr. Allen of Charlestown ; Mr. Shephard 
and Mr. Dunster of Cambridge ; Mr. Knowles of Watertown ; Mr. Allen 
of Dedham ; Mr. Eliot of Roxbury ; Mr. Mather of Dorchester." 

Vol. I, 3d Series page 211. 1634 cannot be correct — it was in winter 
of 1635-6, or spring of 1636. 

Vol. II, 267 page, Bristol should be added to Plymouth and Barnsta- 
ble Counties, as composing Plymouth Colony. 

Vol. III. The Journal of Joselyn is so full of mistakes and errors, 
and some calculated to lead tyros astray, though many of them of little 
consequence, I cannot undertake to notice thern in this statement, not 
intended to be so long as it is. But it would seem that as the Society 
has published it in their volumes, they would take measures to prevent 
its leading any astray. 

General Index, page 320, X Vol. 2d Series'. It is a mistake to say Mr. 
Matthews of Lynn, the place referred to does not authorise it. A Mr. 
Line was witness against Mr. Matthews. 

Dudley says there were seventeen ships came to Massachusetts, with 
passengers, in 1630; and it is implied they all belonged to the company 
with Winthrop ; which is not precisely correct. Only eleven ships came 
with Winthrop, who arrived in June or July. Capt. Pierce came more 
than a month before Winthrop ; but brought none of the company; and 
yet he might have left a few persons at Salem. The John and Mary 
brought the Dorchester people, who, though they became united here, 
were not of Winthrop's company in England. The Handmaid came to 
Plymouth late in the season, and had very few for Massachusetts. The 
Gift arrived in August, after a passage of 13 weeks, but had some of the 

300 Emendata, fyc. 

Massachusetts. Different early writers will be reconciled by this state- 
ment ; and it is important, chiefly, in this respect. 

It will not perhaps, be impertinent here, to notice some of the contra- 
dictory accounts, as to the number of ships with passengers, which came 
from England to Massachusetts during the first eleven or twelve years, 
exclusive of those with Endicott in 1628. It is said by one very early 
writer, (Johnson) that there were 198 ships ; and again he says there were 
two hundred and ninety eight; and the last statement has usually been 
given by later writers. There is a misprint in one of these statements ; 
and probably in the last. The accounts of the number of passengers 
have been more uniform ; and the estimate gives 21,000. 

In the eleven ships with the Winthrop company there were about 1500 ; 
and with Higginson, in 1629, there were 300, beside 60 women and 
young children. Prince says that some of the ships had 200 passengers 
and some 150, and 120, &c, though some had only 100. Now if each 
ship brought 120, or even 110, on an average, which is probable, (for 
the 11 ships with Winthrop brought 1500) than 198 would bring 21,280; 
and 298 ships would have but 70 each on an average. Besides it is not 
probable that 28, or 30 ships a year came with passengers for 10 or 11 
years; and two years of the eleven, but few passengers came over. 

Vol. V, 2d Series, page 1 1. Salterne is inserted by conjecture. Prince 
and Belknap speak also of Savalet, who was often on the coast fishing, 
and for discoveries. See Belk. Biog. 320th page, I Vol. 

Rev. Mr. Mellen, in his account of Barnstable, says Governor Hinck- 
ley, was a native of that town. And the writer of the description of 
Scituate, says he was born in Plymouth or Scituate. Neither of these 
are correct. He was born in England, 1618 — and came over with his 
father, one of Rev. Mr. John Lothrop's church, in 1634, at the age of 

In IXth Vol. 2d Series, the editor conjectures, that the initials R. G. 
at the close of a letter to J. P. (John Peirce), indicate Richard Gardiner. 
Perhaps they indicate Richard Green, brother inlaw and agent of Thomas 
Weston, one of the merchant adventurers, and the person who made a 
settlement at Wessaguscus. See pages 28 and 82. 

Vol. Ill, 1st Series, 242d page, the writer of an account of Boston, 
and generally very correct, says, " Isaac Johnson and others began a 
settlement at Boston, in November." Johnson died in September ; and 
had fixed on Shawmutfor his residence, and put up a house there before 
his death. And so many removed from Charlestown to Shawmut, that 
the religious public meetings on the Lord's days, were on that side of the 
river, for the inhabitants of both places; and so continued, till the fall 
of 1632, when the Charlestown people had a minister of their own, Mr. 
James, and became a separate and distinct church and society. 'Win- 
throp soon took up his residence in Boston ; but Dudley did not. The 
date, 1632, for the first meeting house is perhaps a mistake, unless they 
worshipped in a private house for two years ; which might be. 

In Vol. VI, 3d Series, 4th page, Nathan Turner should be Nathaniel 
Turner. The Indian hostilities, as narrated from page 178, to the swamp 
fight on page 182, were all in 1675 and not in 1674, as theie printed. 

Vol. II, 2d Series, page 267, it is said, " The colony of Plymouth in- 
cluded the present counties of Plymouth and Barnstable, and part of 
Rhode Island." It also contained the county of Bristol. 



Boston, August 6th, 1838. 
Dear Sir, 

Having been favored by yon, with the perusal of the 
printed copy of Rev. Mr. Bacon's letter, intended to be 
ncluded in the volume of the Historical Society's Collec- 
ions, now in the press, I would submit to the Publishing 
Committee some further addenda, in reference to an in- 
quiry, which that gentleman was requested to make, 
especting the place in the modern city of New Haven, 
vhere Isaac Allerton's house was erected. There can be 
10 doubt, that the Captain Isaac Allerton, mentioned in 
^resident Stiles's History of the Judges, who " came early 
tnd settled in New Haven, and built a grand house on 
he creek, with four porches, " was the Isaac Allerton who 
ame to Plymouth in the May-Flower, and was a most 
ctive, intelligent and distinguished associate in that memo- 
able community. This is satisfactorily proved, as well 
s his ultimate settlement and death in New Haven, by 
lr. Bacon's communications, in which he is sustained by 
rofessor Kingsley, in a note to his interesting " Historical 
)iscourse," recently delivered in New Haven. 

"That this Isaac Allerton of New Haven/' says Pro- 
ssor Kingsley "is the same who was at Plymouth, is 
vident from the circumstance, that in his will, he refers 

his brother Bxewster ; and it appears from Morton's 

302 Appendix. 

Memorial, that Isaac Allerton, of Plymouth, married a 
daughter of Elder Brewster." 

The place in the city of New Haven, corresponding to 
Allerton's location, is thus given by Rev. Mr. Bacon, in 
his letter of July 30th. 

"In the town-plot of New Haven, the direction of the 
streets was determined by two creeks, both of which have 
now disappeared. The principal creek, was that from 
which Governor Eaton and his company appear to have 
landed. Near its margin stood the old oak, under which 
they worshipped. Along the bank of this creek, for a 
considerable distance, was marked out what is now called 
George Street, the south-western boundary of the ' nine 
squares/ This creek being filled up with the deposite, 
which is continually forming in our harbor, the tide was, 
many years ago, shut out by a dike, and nothing now re- 
mains of it but a minute rivulet which finds its way through 
the low grounds, between George Street and Meadow 
Street, on the one hand, and Morocco Street and Hill 
Street on the other. What is now State Street, the south- 
eastern boundary of the nine squares, was laid out along 
the other creek, the course of which is now shown by the 
Farmington Canal, from where it crosses Grand Street, to 
where it enters the harbor. Along these two creeks, and 
along the margin of the harbor between them, was what 
you have called 'the Piraeus.' Allerton's house and 
home lot, must have fronted upon what is now Union 
Street, between Cherry Street on the north, and Fair 
Street on the south. I walked around the ground a few 
days ago, with Professor Kingsley, to see what might be 
learned from such a survey. The 'two acres,' if I 
remember right, which Allerton had there, are now thickly 
covered with houses, and the original conformation of the 
ground, is, of course, greatly changed ; yet it is obvious, 
that when Allerton built his house there, it was just such 
a spot as would strike the fancy of a 'sea-captain.' There 
was a gradual but very considerable slope towards the 
harbor, on the south, and towards the creek on the west. 
The prospect now is obstructed, in every direction, by 
buildings, but then he must have had, from his upper win- 
dows, a fair view of a great part of the town, in one direc- 
tion, and of the harbor and sound, even to Long Island, in 

Appendix. 303 

another, while, on the north, the fine bluff of East Rock, 
and very likely, that of West Rock, the refuge of the 
Regicides, were full in view." 

It is to Allerton's old house, which was taken down in 
1740, that the well known tradition, respecting the con- 
cealment of the Judges, by Mrs. Eyres, is to be referred. 
Whatever of fable there may be in some of the traditionary 
stories, on this subject, there appears no sufficient reason 
to doubt, that the fugitive Judges, Whalley and Goffe, did 
find temporary shelter and concealment in that house, in 
1661. But the lady protectress, could not have been Mrs. 
Eyres. The mistress and owner of the house for life, at 
that time, was Mrs. Allerton, the widow of Isaac Aller- 
ton ; — her granddaughter, Elizabeth, afterwards Elizabeth 
Eyres, wife of Simon Eyres, was, in 1661 the perilous 
crisis with the Judges, not eight years of age, as appears 
by the record of her birth, certified by Mr. Bacon. She 
probably then lived with her grandmother, as Mr. Bacon 
conjectures, her father being absent, and if the Judges 
were sheltered in the house, might have been a witness, 
perhaps an assistant in the transaction, but certainly not a 

In these views, Mr. Bacon concurs. In his letter of 
July 30th, he says, " The inferences which, in your letter 
of the 24th inst., you derive from the traditions in Dr. 
Stiles's narrative, compared with the records, are the same 
which I had in my mind, upon reperusing the history of 
the Judges, after my letter was written." 

An old plan of New Haven, taken in 1748, represents 
all the dwelling houses then standing in the town, among 
the rest Simon Eyres' s, with a reference to Isaac Allerton, 
as original grantee of the lot. The plan contains a scale, 
and transferring the locality of that house, the substitute 
for Allerton's mansion, to a corresponding place in 
Buckingham's large plan of New Haven, published in 
1836, the accuracy of Mr. Bacon's estimate, as given in 
his last letter, will be apparent. That letter contains the 
following postscript ; " I find from the records, what 
escaped my notice on a former search, that ' Simon, son of 
Simon Eyre, was born the 5th day of September, 1682/ 
This may be the one who occupied Allerton's homestead, 
in 1748, the great-grandson of the Plymouth Pilgrim." 

304 Appendix. 

We cannot but be grateful to Mr. Bacon, for the new 
and exact views which he has given, of an ancient worthy, 
in his latter days, whose honored repose, after a life of 
vicissitude and trial, we can thus assuredly contemplate in 
the beautiful city of New Haven. 

Your friend and obedient servant, 

John Davis. 

Rev. Dr. Harris, Chairman ) 
of Committee of Publication. ) 

P. S. There is a misprint in the date of Mr. Bacon's 
letter, (p. 248). Instead of " 15th Jan." it should be 
Ibth June, and in p. 243, 1. 4th from bottom, for "add" 
read "adds."